Dadabhai Naoroji’s Speeches

DADABHAI

NAOROJI’S

SPEECHES

Writings

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SPEECHES AND WRITINGS

OF

DADABHAI NAOROJI

FIRST EDITION : PRICE RS. TWO

G. A. NATESAN & CO.

SUNKURAMA CHETTI STREET

MADRAS

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PUBLISHERS’ NOTE.

This is the first attempt to bring under one cover an
exhaustive and comprehensive collection of the speeches
and writings of the venerable Indian patriot, Dadabhai
Naoroji. The first part is a collection of his speeches
and includes the addresses that he delivered before the
Indian National Congress on the three occasions that he
presided over that assembly ; all the speeches that he
delivered in the House of Commons and a selection of
the speeches that he delivered from time to time in
England and India. The second part includes all
his statements to the Welby Commission, a number
of papers relating to the admission of Indians to the
Services and many other vital questions of Indian
administration. The Appendix contains, among others,
the full text of his evidence before the Welby Com-
mission, his statement to the Indian Currency Com-
mittee of 1898, his replies to the questions put to him
by the Public Service Commission, and his statement
to the Select Committee on East Indian Finance.
Dadabhai has been in the active service of his Mother-
land for over sixty j^ears and during this long period
he has been steadily and strenuously working for the
good of his countrymen ; it is hoped that his writings
and speeches which are now presented in a handy
volume will be welcomed by thousands of his admiring
countrymen.

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2016

https://archive.org/details/mkbook0700mkga

CONTENTS

PAGE

PART I : SPEECHES.

Congress Speeches.

Second Congress — Calcutta — 1886 ... 1

Ninth Congress — Lahore — 1893 ... ... 20

Twenty-Second Congress — Calcutta — 1906 ... 68

Appointment of a Royal Commission ... 101

Eeform of Legislative Councils ... ... 104

Simultaneous Examinations ... ... Ill

Speeches in the House of Commons.

Maiden Speech ... ... ... 121

An Inquiry into the Condition of India ... 124

England and India ... ... ... 149

India and Lancashire ... ... ... 164

Miscellaneous Speeches and Addresses-

Retirement of Lord Ripon ... ... 167

The Fawcett Memorial Meeting ... ... 17 1

India’s Interest in the General Election (1886). 175

India and the Opium Question ... ... 191

Address to the Electors of Holborn ... 198

The Indian Civil Service ... ... 208

Great Reception Meeting in Bombay ... 213

Indian Famine Relief Fund Meeting ... 217

The Condition of India ... ... 224

The Cause and Cure of Famine ... ... 232

British Democracy and India ... ... 246

India Under British Rule ... ... ... 251

The Indian National Congress ... ... 254

England’s Pledges to India ... ... 263

The Legacy of Lord Curzon’s Regime ... 271

VI

PART II : WRITINGS.

Administration and Management of page

Indian Expenditure ... ... ... 281

The Apportionment of Charge between the

United Kingdom and India ... ... 326

The Eight Relations between Britain and India. 355
The Causes of Discontent ... ... ... 375

Admission of Natives to the Covenanted

Civil Service ... ... ... 396

Indians in the Indian Civil Service ... ... 471

The European and Asiatic Races ... ... 523

Sir M. E. Grant Duff on India ... ... 559

Expenses of the Abyssinian War ... ... 610

Mysore ... ... ... ... 623

The Fear of Russian Invasion ... ... 641

The Indian Tribute ... ... ... 647

Message to the Benares Congress ... ... 650

A Chapter of Autobiography ... ... 653

APPENDIX.

A. Evidence before the Welby Commission ... 1

B. Statement to the Currency Committee of 1898. 98

C. Replies to the Public Service Commission ... 141

D. Statement to the Select Committee on East

India Finance, 1871 ... ... ... 157

E. The Moral Poverty of India ... ... 182

F. Report of the Indian Famine Commission,

1880

»

200

FAITH IN BRITISH FAIR PLAY AND JUSTICE.

Our fate and our future are in our own hands .
If we are true to ourselves and to our country a7id
?nake all the necessary sacrifices for our elevation
and amelioration , /, for one , have not the shadow of
a doubt that in dealing with such justice- loving,
fair-minded people as the British , we may rest
fully assured that we shall not work in vain . It
is this conviction which has supported me against
all difficulties. I have never faltered in ?ny faith
in the British character and have always believed
that the time will come when the sentiments of the
British Nation and our Gracious Sovereign pro-
claimed to us m our Great Charter of the Pro-
clamation of 1858 will be realised , fapplausef ,
viz., “ In their prosperity will be our strength, in
their contentment our best reward ” And let us
join in the prayer that followed this hopeful decla-
ration of our Sovereign: “May the God of all-

power grant to us and to those in authority under
us strength to carry out these our wishes for the
good of our people. — From the Presidential
Address to the Lahore Congress.

DADABHAI’S EXHORTATION.

My last prayer and exhortation to the Congress
and to all my countrymen is — Go on united and
earnest^ in concord, and harmony , with moderation ,
with loyalty to the British rule and patriotism
towards our country , and success is sure to attend
our efforts for our just demands , and the day, I
hope , is not distant when the world will see the
noblest spectacle of a great nation like the British
holding out the hand of true fellow- citizenship and
of justice to the vast mass of humanity of this
great and ancient land of India with benefits and
blessings to the human race floud and prolonged
cheering) . — Fiom the Presidential Address to the
Lahore Congress .

Sye t’ches of IBobabhoi Noovoji.

Second Congress — Calcutta — 1886.
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

INTRODUCTION.

I need not tell you how sincerely thankful l am to
you for placing me in this position of honour. 1 at first
thought that I was to be elevated to this proud
position as a return for what might be considered as
a compliment paid by us to Bengal, when Mr. Bonner-
jee was elected President of the first Congress last year
at Bombay. I can assure you, however, that that election
was no mere compliment to Bengal, but arose out of the
simple fact that we regarded Mr. Bonnerjee as a gentle-
man eminently qualified to take the place of President,
and we installed him in that position, in all sincerity, as
the proper man in the proper place. I now see, however,
that this election of my humble self is not intended as a
return of compliment, but that, as both proposer and secon-
der have said, you have been kind enough to select me,
because I am supposed to be really qualified to undertake
the task. I hope it may prove so and that I may be found
really" worthy of all the kind things said of me ; but whe-
ther this be so, or not, when such kind things are said by
those who occupy such high positions amongst us, I must
say I feel exceedingly proud and am very grateful to all
for the honour thus done me. ( Loud cheering.)

Your late Chairman has heartily welcomed all the
delegates who come from different pares of India, and with
the same heartiness I return to him and all our Bengal
friends, on my own behalf and on that of all the delegates

2

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

from other Provinces, the most sincere thanks for the
cordial manner in which we have been received. From
what has been done already and from what is in store for
us during our short stay here, I have no doubt we shall
carry away with us many and most pleasant reminiscences
of our visit to Calcutta. (Cheers.)

You will pardon me, and I beg your indulgence when
,1 say that, when I was asked only two days ago to become
your President and to give an inaugural address, it was
with no small trepidation that I agreed to undertake the
task ; and I hope that you will extend to me all that indul-
gence which my shortcomings may need. ( Loud cheers.)

IMPORTANCE OF THE CONGRESS.

The assemblage of such a Congress is an event of the
utmost importance in Indian history. 1 ask whether in the
most glorious days of Hindu rule, in the days of Rajahs
like the great Vikram, you could imagine the possibility of
a meeting of this kind, whether even Hindus of all different
provinces of the kingdom could have collected and spoken
as one nation. Coming down to the later Empire of our
friends, the Mahomedans, who probably ruled over a larger
territory at one time than any Hindu monarch, would it
have been, even in the days of the great Akbar himself,
possible for a meeting like this to assemble composed of all
classes and communities, all speaking one language, and all
having uniform and high aspirations of their own.

ADVANTAGES OF BRITISH RULE.

Well, then, what is it for which we are now met on this
occasion ? We have assembled to consider questions upon
which depend our future, whether glorious or inglorious.
It is our good fortune that we are under a rule which
makes it possible for us to meet in this manner. (Cheers.)

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 3

It is under the civilizing rule of the Queen and people of
England that we meet here together, hindered by none,
and are freely allowed to speak our minds without the least
fear and without the least hesitation. Such a thing is
possible under British rule and British rule only. (Loud
Cheers.) Then I put the question plainly : Is this Congress a
nursery for sedition and rebellion against the British govern-
ment (cries of no , no ) ; or is it another stone in the founda-
tion of the stability of that government ? (Cries of yes , yes.)
There could be but one answer, and that you have already
given, because we are thoroughly sensible of the numberless
blessings conferred upon us, of which the very existence of
this Congress is a proof in a nutshell. (Cheers.) Were it
not for these blessings of British rule, I could not have
come here, as I have done, without the least hesitation and
without the least fear that my children might be robbed
and killed in my absence ; nor could you have come from
every corner of the land, having performed, within a few
days, journeys, which in former days would have occupied
as many months. (Cheers.) These simple facts bring home
to all of us at once some of those great and numberless
blessings which British rule has conferred upon us. But
there remain even greater blessings for which we have to
be grateful. It is to British rule that we owe the edu-
cation we possess ; the people of England were sincere
in the declarations made more than half a century ago that
India was a sacred charge entrusted to their care by Pro-
vidence, and that they were bound to administer it for the
good of India, to the glory of their own name, and the
satisfaction of God. (Prolonged cheering.) When we have
to acknowledge so many blessings as flowing from British
rule, — and I could descant on them for hours, because it

4 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

would simply be recounting to you the history of the Bri-
tish Empire in India — is it possible that an assembly like
this, every one of whose members is fully impressed with
the knowledge of these blessings, could meet for any purpose
inimicalto that rule to which we owe so much ? (Cheers.)

RELATION BETWEEN OURSELVES AND OUR RULERS.

The thing is absurd. Let us speak out like men and
proclaim that we are loyal to the backbone (cheers) ; that
we understand the benefits English rule has conferred
upon us ; that we thoroughly appreciate the education that
has been given to us, the new light which has been poured
upon us, turning us from darkness into light and teaching
us the new lesson that kings are made for the people, not
peoples for their kings ; and this new lesson we have
learned amidst the darkness of Asiatic despotism only by
the light of free English civilization. (Loud cheers.) But
the question is, do the Government believe us ? Do they
believe that we are really loyal to them ; that we do truly
appreciate and rely on British rule ; that we veritably
desire its permanent continuance ; that our reason is satis-
fied and our sentimental feelings gratified as well as our
self-interest ? It would be a great gratification to us if we
could see, in the inauguration of a great movement like this
Congress, that what we do really mean and desire is
thoroughly and truly so understood by our rulers. I have
the good fortune to be able to place before you testimony
which cannot be questioned, from which you will see that
softie at least of the most distinguished of our rulers do be-
lieve that what we say is sincere ; and that we do not
want to subvert British rule ; that our outspoken utteran-
ces are as much for their good as for our good. They do
believe, as Lord Bipon said, that what is good for

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 5

India is good for England. I will give you first the
testimony as regards the educated classes which was given
25 years ago, by Sir Bartle Frere. He possessed an
intimate knowledge of the people of this country, and
with regard to the educated portion of them, he gave
this testimony. He said : ‘ And now wherever I go 1 find
the best exponents of the policy of the English Govern-
ment, and the most able co-adjutors in adjusting that
policy to the peculiarities of the natives of India, among
the ranks of the educated natives.’ This much at least is
testimony to our sincerity, and strongly corroborates our
assertion that we, the educated classes, have become the
true interpreters and mediators between the masses of
our countrymen and our rulers. I shall now place before
you the declaration of the Government of India itself, that
they have confidence in the loyalty of the whole people,
and do appreciate the sentiments of the educated classes in
particular. I will read their very words. They say in a
despatch addressed to the Secretary of State (8th June,
1880) : ‘ But the people of India accept British rule
without any need for appeal to arms, because we keep the
peace and do justice, because we have done and are doing
much material good to the country and the people, and
because there is not inside or outside India any power
that can adequately occupy our place.’ Then they
distinctly understand that we do believe the British
power to be the only power that can, under existing
circumstances, really keep the peace and advance our
future progress. This is testimony as to the feeling of
the whole people. But of the educated classes, this
despatch says : ‘ To the minds of at least the educated
among the people of India — and the number is rapidly

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

increasing — any idea of the subversion of British power
is abhorrent, from the consciousness that it must result
in the wildest anarchy and confusion.’ ( Loud cheers.)

We can, therefore, proceed with the utmost serenity
and with every confidence that our rulers do understand
us ; that they do understand our motives and give credit
to our expressions of loyalty, and we need not in the least
care for any impeachment of disloyalty or any charge of
harbouring wild ideas of subverting the British power that
may be put forth by ignorant, irresponsible or ill-disposed
individuals or cliques. {Loud cheers.) We can, therefore,
quietly, calmly and, with entire confidence in our rulers,
speak as freely as we please, but of course in that spirit of
fairness and moderation, which becomes wise and honest
men, and in the tone which every gentleman, every reason-
able being, would adopt when urging his rulers to make
him some concession. {Hear, hear .) Now although, as 1
have said, the British government have done much, very
much for us, there is still a great deal more to be done if
their noble work is to be fitly completed. They say this
themselves ; they show a desire to do what more may be
required, and it is for us to ask for whatsoever, after due
deliberation, we think that we ought to have. {Cheers.)

THE JUBILEE OF OUR QUEEN- EMPRESS.

Therefore, having said thus much and having cleared
the ground so that we may proceed freely and in all con-
fidence with the work of our Congress, I must at once come
to the matter with which I should have commenced, had I
not purposely postponed it, until I had explained the rela-
tions between ourselves and our rulers; and that is the
most happy and auspicious occasion which the coming
year is to bring us, viz ., the Jubilee of our good Queen-

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886 . 7

Empress’s reign. ( Loud cheers.) I am exceedingly glad
that the Congress has thought it right to select this,
as the subject of the initial resolution, and in this
to express, in humble but hearty terms, their congratu-
lations to our Gracious Empress. (Cheers.) There is
even more reason for us to congratulate ourselves on
having for half a century enjoyed the rule of a Sovereign,
graced with every virtue, and truly worthy to reign over
that vast. Empire on which the sun never sets. (Loud
cheers.) That she may live long, honoured and beloved,
to continue for yet many years that beneficial and enlight-
ened rule with which she has so long reigned, must be
the heart-felt prayer of every soul in India. (Prolonged
cheering. )

And here you must pardon me if I digress a moment
from those subjects which this Congress proposes to discuss
to one of those which we do not consider to fall within the
legitimate sphere of its deliberations.

CONGRESS AND SOCIAL REFORM.

It has been asserted that this Congress ought to take
up questions of social reform (cheers and cries of yes , yes)
and our failure to do this has been urged as a reproach
against us. Certainly no member of this National Con-
gress is more alive to the necessity of social reforms than I
am ; but, gentlemen, for everything there are proper times,
proper circumstances, proper parties and proper places
(cheers) ; we are met together as a political body to repre-
sent to our rulers our political aspirations, not to discuss
social reforms, and if you blame us for ignoring these, you
should equally blame the House of Commons for not discuss-
ing the abstruser problems on mathematics or metaphysics.
But, besides this, there are here Hindus of every caste,

8

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJL

amongst whom, even in the same province, customs and
social arrangements differ widely, — there are Mahomedans
and Christians of various denominations, Parsees, Sikhs,
Brahmosand what not — men indeed of each and all of those
numerous classes which constitute in the aggregate the
people of India. ( Loud cheers .) How can this gathering
of all classes discuss the social reforms needed in each
individual class ? What do any of us know of the internal
home life, of the customs, traditions, feelings, prejudices of
any class but our own ? How could a gathering, a cosmo-
politan gathering like this, discuss to any purpose the
reforms needed in any one class? Only the members of that
class can effectively deal with the reforms therein needed.
A National Congress must confine itself to questions in
which the entire nation has a direct participation, and it
must leave the adjustment of social reforms and other class
questions to class Congresses. But it does not follow that
because this national, political body does not presume to
discuss social reforms, the delegates here present are not
just as deeply, nay in many cases far more deeply, inte-
rested in these questions than in those political questions
we do discuss, or that those several communities whom
those delegates represent are not doing their utmost to
solve those complicated problems on which hinge the
practical introduction of those reforms. Any man who
has eyes and ears open must know what struggles
towards higher and better things are going on in
every community : and it could not be otherwise with

the noble education we are receiving. Once you begin
to think about your own actions, your duties and res-
ponsibilities to yourself, your neighbours and your nation,
you cannot avoid looking round and observing much

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886 . 9

that is wrong amongst you ; and we know, as a fact, that
each community is now doing its best according to its
lights, and the progress that it has made in education. I
need not, I think, particularise. The Mahomedans know
what is being done by persons of their community to push
on the education their brethren so much need ; the Hindus
are everywhere doing what they can to reform these social
institutions which they think require improvement. There
is not one single community here represented of which the
best and ablest men do not feel that much has to be done
to improve the social, moral, religious status of their bre-
thren, and in which, as a fact, they are not striving to
effect, gradually, those needful improvements ; but these are
essentially matters too delicate for a stranger’s handling —
matters which must be left to the guidance of those who
alone fully understand them in all their bearings, and
which are wholly unsuited to discussion in an assemblage
like this in which all classes are intermingled. {Loud cheers?)

TRUST IN ENGLAND.

I shall now refer briefly to the work of the former
Congress. Since it, met last year, about this time, some
progress, I am glad to say, has been made, and that is an
encouragement and a proof that, if we do really ask what
is right and reasonable, we may be sure that, sooner or
later, the British government will actually give what we
ask for. We should, therefore, persevere having confidence
in the conscience of England and resting assured that the
English nation will grudge no sacrifice to prove the sincer-
ity of their desire to do whatever is just and right. {Cheers.)

ROYAL COMMISSION.

Our first request at the last Congress was for the
constitution of a Royal Commission. Unfortunately, the

10

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

authorities in England have not seen their way to grant a
Royal Commission. They say it will upset the authorities
here ; that it will interfere with the prestige and control
of the Government here. I think that this is a very poor
compliment to our rulers on this side. If I understand a
man like Lord Dufferin, of such vast experience in
administration, knowing, as he does, what it is to rule an
Empire, it would be impossible for him to be daunted and
frightened by a Commission making enquiries here. I
think this argument a very poor one, and we must once
more say that to the inhabitants of India a Parliamentary
Committee taking evidence in England alone can never be
satisfactory, for the simple reason that what the Committee
will learn by the ear will never enable them to understand
what they ought to see with their eyes, if they are to
realize what the evidence of the witnesses really means.
Still, however, it is so far satisfactory that, notwithstand-
ing the change of government and the vicissitudes which
this poor Parliamentary Committee has undergone, it is
the intention of Parliament that under any and all circum-
stances a Committee shall be appointed. At the same time,
this Committee in future ties the hands of the authorities
here to a large extent and prevents us from saying all we
do really want.

LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS FOR N. W. PROVINCES AND THE PUNJAB.

Another resolution on which we must report some
progress was to the effect that the N. W. Provinces and
the Punjab ought also to have Legislative Councils of their
own. We know that the Government has just given a
Legislative Council to the N. W. Provinces, and we hope
that this progress may extend further and satisfy our
wishes as to other provinces also.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 11

THE PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION.

The fourth resolution had regard to the Service
question In this matter, we really seem to have made
some distinct progress. The Public Service Commission is
now sitting, and if one thing more than another can prove
that the Government is sincere in its desire to do some-
thing for us, the appointment of such a Commission is
that thing. You perhaps remember the words which our
noble Viceroy used at Poona. He said :

u However, I will say that, from first to last, I have been a
strong advocate for the appointment of a Committee or Com-
mission of this sort, and that when succeeding Governments in
England changed, I have on each occasion warmly impressed upon
the Secretary of State the necessity of persevering in the nomina-
tion of a Commission. I am happy to think that, in response to
my earnest representations on the subject, Her Majesty’s present
Ministers have determined to take action. I, consequently, do
not really see what more during the short period I have been
amongst you, the Government of India could have done for that
most important and burning question, which was perpetually
agitating your mind and was being put forward by the natives, as
an alleged injustice done to the educated native classes of this
country, in not allowing them adequate employment in the Public
Service. I do not think you can point out to me any other question
which so occupied public attention or was nearer to the hearts of
your people. Now the door to inquiry has been opened, and it only
remains for you, by the force of logic of your representations and of
the evidence you may be able to submit, to make good your case; if
you succeed in doing so, all I can say is, that nobody will be better
pleased than myself. In regard to other matters, which have been
equally prominent in your newspapers and your addresses, and
which have been so constantly discussed by your associations, I
have also done my best to secure for you an ample investigation.”

LORD DUFFERIN AND THE PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION.

There we have his own words as to his intentions and
the efforts he made to get this Commission. This should
convince ns of his good faith and sympathy with us.
When I think of Lord Dufferin, not only as our present
Viceroy, but bearing in mind all we know of him in his
past career, I should hesitate to believe that he could be a

12

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

man devoid of the deepest sympathy with any people
struggling to advance and improve their political condition.
Some of you may remember one or two extracts, which I
gave in my Holbern Town Hall speech from Lord Dufferin’s
letters to the Times , and I cannot conceive that a person
of such warm sympathies could fail to sympathise with us.
But I may say this much that, feeling as I naturally do
some interest about the views and intentions of our
Viceroys and Governors, I have had the opportunity of
getting some information from friends on whom I can rely
and who are in a position to know the truth ; and I am
able to say in the words of one of these friends that ‘ the
Viceroy’s instincts are eminently liberal, and he regards
with neither jealousy nor alarm the desire of the educated
classes to be allowed a larger share in the administration of
their own affairs. Indeed, he considers it very creditable to
them that they should do so.’ As Viceroj 7 , he has to consi-
der all sides of a question from the ruler’s point of view, and
to act as he thinks safe and proper. But we may be sure
that we have his deep and very genuine sympathy, and
we may fairly claim and expect much good at. his hands.

HOME AUTHORITIES AND PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION.

But yet further I would enquire whether the inten-
tions of the Secretary of State for India and of the other
home authorities are equally favourable to our claims. The
resolution on its very face tells us what the intention of
the Secretary of State is. It says : ‘ In regard to its object,
the Commission would, broadly speaking, be required to
devise a scheme which may reasonably be hoped to possess
the necessary elements of finality, and to do full justice to
the claims of natives of India to a higher and more exten-
sive employment in the Public Service.’

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 13

There we have the highest authority making a decla-
ration that he desires to do full justice to the claims of the
natives of India. Now, our only reply is that we are thank-
ful for the enquiry, and we hope that we may be able
to satisfy all, that what we ask is both reasonable and
right.

INTENTION OF OUR RULERS.

As another proof of the intentions of our British
rulers, as far back as 53 years ago, when the natives of
India did not themselves fully understand their rights, the
statesmen of England, of their own free will, decided what
the policy of England ought to be towards India. Long
and important was the debate ; the question was discussed
from all points of view ; the danger of giving political
power to the people, the insufficiency of their capacity and
other considerations were all fully weighed, and the con-
clusion was come to, in unmistakable and unambiguous
terms, that the policy of British rule should be a policy of
justice ( Cheers ), the policy of the advancement of one-sixth
of the human race (Cheers ) ; India was to be regarded as a
trust placed by God in their hands, and in the due dis-
charge of that trust, they resolved that they would follow
the ‘ plain path of duty,’ as Mr. Macaulay called it ; on
that occasion he said, virtually, that he would rather see
the people of India free and able to govern themselves
than that they would remain the bondsmen of Great
Britain and the obsequious toadies of British officials.
(Cheers.) This was the essence of the policy of 1833, and
in the Act of that year it was laid down : ‘ That no native
of the said territories, nor any natural-born subject of His
Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of his
religion, place of birth, descent, color or any of them, be

14

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

disabled from holding any place, office or employment
under the said Company.’ ( Prolonged cheering?)

We do not, we could not, ask for more than this; and
all we have to press upon the Commission and Government
is that they should now honestly grant us in practice here
what Great Britain freely conceded to us 50 years ago,
when we ourselves were too little enlightened even to ask
for it, ( Loud cheers.)

ROYAL PROCLAMATION.

We next passed through a time of trouble, and the
British arms were triumphant. When they had com-
pletely surmounted all their difficulties and completely
vanquished all their adversaries, the English nation came
forward, animated by the same high and noble resolves,
as before, and gave us that glorious Proclamation, which
we should for ever prize and reverence as our Magna
Charta, greater even than the Charter of 1833. I need
not repeat that glorious Proclamation now, for it is en-
graven on all your hearts ( Loud cheers) ; but it constitutes
such a grand and glorious charter of our liberties that I
think every child, as it begins to gather intelligence and to
lisp its mother-tongue, ought to be made to commit it to
memory. (Cheers). In that Proclamation, we have again
a confirmation of the policy of 1833 and something more.
In it are embodied the germs of all that we aim at now, of
all that we can desire hereafter. (Cheers.) We have only
to go before the Government and the Commission now sit-
ting and repeat it, and say that all we want is only what
has already been granted to us in set terms by that Procla-
mation, and that all we now ask for is that the great and
generous concessions therein made to us in words shall
actually be made ours by deeds. ( Loud cheers.) I will not,

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 15

however, enter into further details, for it is a subject on
which I should be led into speaking for hours, and even
then 1 should fail to convey to you an adequate idea of all
that is in my heart. I have said enough to show our
rulers that our case is complete and has been made out by
themselves. {Cheers.) It is enough for me, therefore, to
stop at this point.

ENLARGEMENT OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS.

Another resolution is the improvement and enlarge-
ment of the Legislative Councils, and the introduction into
them of an elective element, but that is one on which my
predecessor in the chair has so ably descanted that I do
not think I should take up more of your time with it. I
need only say that in this matter we hope to make a further
advance, and shall try to place before our rulers what we
consider a possible scheme for the introduction of an elec-
tive element into the Legislative Councils. T need not say
that if this representation is introduced, the greatest bene-
fit will be conferred upon the Government itself, because
at present whatever Acts they pass that do not quite
please us, we, whether rightly or wrongly, grumble and
grumble against the Government, and the Government
only. It is true that we have some of our own people in
Councils. But we have no right to demand any explana-
tion, even from them ; they are not our representatives,
and the Government cannot relieve themselves from any
dissatisfaction we may feel against any law we don’t like.
If our own representatives make a mistake and get a law
passed, which we do not want, the Government at any rate
will escape the greater portion of the consequent unpopu-
larity. They will say — here are your own representatives ;
we believed that they represented your wishes, and we

16

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

passed the law. On the other hand, with all the intelli-
gence, all the superior knowledge of the English officials, let
them come as angels from heaven, it is impossible for them
to enter into the feelings of the people, and feel as they
feel, and enter into their minds. ( Cheers .) It . is not any
disparagement of them, but in the nature of things it can-
not be otherwise. If you have, therefore, your representa-
tives to represent your feelings, you will then have an
opportunity of getting something which is congenial and
satisfactory to yourself- ; and what will be satisfactory to
you must also be satisfactory to and good for the Govern-
ment itself. ( Cheers .)

REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT.

This brings me also to the point of representation in
Parliament. All the most fundamental questions on which
hinge the entire form and character of the administration
here are decided by Parliament. No matter what it is,
Legislative Councils or the Services,— nothing can be reform-
ed until Parliament moves and enacts modifications of the
existing Acts. Not one single genuine Indian voice is there
in Parliament to tell at least what the native view is on
any question. This was most forcibly urged upon me by
English gentlemen, who are in Parliament themselves; they
said they always felt it to be a great defect in Parliament,
that it did nob contain one single genuine representative of
the people of India.

POVERTY OF INDIA.

One of the questions which will be placed before this
Congress and will be discussed by them, is the deep sym-
pathy which this Congress feels for the poverty of the
people, It is often understood and thought that, when we
struggle for admission into the Services, it is simply to

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 17

gratify the aspirations of the few educated. But if you
examine this question thoroughly, you will find that this
matter of the Public Services w ill go far to settle the prob-
lem of the poverty of the Indian people. One thing I
congratulate myself upon. 1 don’t trouble you with an 3^
testimony about the poverty of India. You have
the testimony of Sir Evelyn Baring given on!} 7 a couple of
years ago, who told us in plain terms that the people of
India were extremely poor, and also of the present Financo
Minister who repeats those words. But amongst the several
causes, which are at the bottom of our sufferings, this one
and that the most important cause, is beginning to be rea-
lized by our r ulers, and that is a step of the most hopeful
and promising kind. In the discussion about the currency,
the Secretary of State for India, in a letter to the Treasury
of the 26th January 1886, makes certain remarks which
show that our rulers now begin to understand and to try
to grapple with the problem ; and are not ostrich-like r
shutting their eyes to it. 1 was laughed at when I first
mooted the question of the poverty of India, and assigned
as one of its causes the employment of an expensive
foreign agency. But now the highest authority empha-
sizes this view. The Secretary of State, in the letter just
referred to, said : —

4 The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources of
the public revenues is very peculiar, not merely from the habits of
the people and their strong aversion to change, which is more
specially exhibited towards new 7 forms of taxation, but likewise
from the character of the government, which is in the hands of
foreigners, who hold all the principal administrative offices, and
form so large a part of the Army. The impatience of new taxation
which would have to be borne, wholly as a consequence of the
foreign rule imposed on the country and virtually to meet additions

2

18

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

to charges arising outside of the country would constitute a poli-
tical danger, the real magnitude of which, it is to be feared, is not
at all appreciated by persons who have no knowledge of, or
concern in, the government of India, but which those responsible
for that government have long regarded as of the most serious
order.’

We maybe sure that the public conscience of England
will ask why the natives of India, after a hundred years of
British rule, are so poor ; and as John Bull, in a cartoon
in Punch is represented as doing, will wonder that India
is a beggar when he thought she had a mint of money.

India’s fabulous wealth.

Unfortunately, this idea of India’s wealth is utterly
delusive, and if a proper system of representation in the
Councils be conceded, our representatives will then be able
to make clear to these Councils and to our rulers those
causes which are operating to undermine our wealth and
prosperity, and guide the government to the proper reme-
dies for the greatest of all evils — the poverty of the masses.
All the benefits we have derived from British rule, all the
noble projects of our British rulers, will go for nothing if
after all the country is to continue sinking deeper and
deeper into the abyss of destitution. At one time, I was
denounced as a pessimist ; but now that we have it on the
authority of our rulers themselves that we are very poor, it
has become the right, as well as the duty, of this Congress
to set forth its convictions, both as to this widespread
destitution and the primary steps needful for its allevia-
tion. Nothing is more dear to the heart of England — and
I speak from actual knowledge — than India’s welfare ; and
if we only speak out loud enough, and persistently enough,
to reach that busy heart, w^e shall not speak in vain, (Pro-
longed cheering.)

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 19
CONCLUSION.

There will be several other questions brought
before the Congress at their Committee meetings, during
the next three days, and I am sure from the names
of the delegates, as far as I am informed, that they will
prosecute their deliberations with all possible moderation.
I am sure that they will fully appreciate the benefits of the
rule under which they live, while the fact that our rulers
are willing to do whatever we can show them to be neces-
sary for our welfare, should be enough to encourage all in
the work. I do not know that I need now detain you
with any further remarks. You have now some idea of
what progress has been made in respect of the matters
which were discussed last year. I hope we may congratu-
late ourselves next year that we have made further progress
in attaining the objects alike of the past year’s resolutions
and those we may this year pass. I for one am hopeful
that, if we are only true to ourselves, if we only do justice
to ourselves and the noble education which has been given
to us by our rulers and speak freely, with the freedom of
speech which has been granted to us, we may fairly expect
our government to listen to us and to grant us our reason-
able demands. ( Loud chews.)

I will conclude this short address by repeating my
sincere thanks to all of you for having placed me in this
honourable position and by again returning thanks to our
Bengal brethren on behalf of all the delegates whom they
have so cordially welcomed here.

Ninth Congress — Lahore — 1893.

DADABHAl’s INTEREST IN THE PUNJAB.

Ladies and Gentlemen, — I need not say how deeply I
feel the honour you have done me by electing me a second
time to preside over your deliberations. I thank you
sincerely for this honour. In the performance of the
onerous duties of this high position I shall need your great
indulgence and support, and i have no doubt that 1 shall
receive them. ( Applause.)

I am much pleased that 1 have the privilege of presi-
ding at the very first Congress held in Punjab, as I had at
Calcutta in 1886. I have taken, as you may be aware,
some interest in the material condition of Punjab. In my
first letter to the Secretary of State for India in 1880 on
the material condition of India, I took Punjab for my
illustration, and worked out in detail its total annual
income and the absolute wants of its common labourer.
As to the loyalty of the Punjabis — Hindus, Sikhs, or
Muhammadans — it has proved true through the most fiery
ordeal on a most trying and critical occasion. (Applause.)

The occasion of this Session of the Congress in Punjab
has been a most happy coincidence. On Punjab rests a
double responsibility, one external and one internal. If
ever that hated threatened invasion of the Russians
comes on, Punjab will have to bear the first brunt of the
battle, and contented under British rule, as I hope India
will be, Punjab will fight to her last man in loyalty and
patriotism — loyalty to the British Power, and patriotism
to protect the hearths and homes of her beloved country of
India. ( Loud applause.)

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 21

Punjab’s responsibility in safeguarding the empire.

The internal responsibility which at present rests upon
the Punjabis and other warrior races of India is this. I
have always understood and believed that manliness was
associated with love of justice, generosity and intellect.
So our British tutors have always taught us and have
always claimed for themselves such character. And I
cannot understand how any one could or should deny to
you and other manly races of India the same characteristics
of human nature. But yet we are gravely told that on
the contrary the manliness of these races of India is
associated with meanness, unpatriotic selfishness, and in-
feriority of intellect, and that therefore like the dog in
the manger, you and the other warrior races will be
mean enough to oppose the resolution about Simultaneous
Examinations, and unpatriotic and selfish enough to pre-
vent the general progress of all India. {Shame.)

Can offence and insult to a people, and that people
admitted to be a manly people, go any further? Look at
the numbers of Punjabis studying in England. JSTow this
happy coincidence of this meeting in Punjab :'you, consider-
ing every son of India as an Indian and a compatriot, have
invited me — not a Punjabi, not a Muhammadan, nor a Sikh
— from a distance of thousands of miles to enjoy the honour
of presiding over this Congress, and with this gathering
from all parts of India as the guests of the Punjabis, you
conclusively once for all and for ever, set the matter at
rest that the Punjabis with all other Indians do earnestly
desire the Simultaneous Examinations as the only method
in which justice can be done to all the people of India, as
this Congress has repeatedly resolved. And moreover,
Punjab has the credit of holding the very first public

22

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

meeting in favour of the Resolution passed by the House of
Commons for Simultaneous Examinations. {Cheers.)

When I use the words English or British, I mean all
the peoples of the United Kingdom.

DEATH OF JUSTICE TELANG.

It is our melancholy duty to record the loss of one of
our greatest patriots, Justice Kasinath Trimbak Telang.
It is a heavy loss to India ; you all know what a high
place he held in our estimation for his great ability, learn-
ing, eloquence, sound judgment, wise counsel and leader-
ship. I have known him and worked with him for many
years, and I have not known any one more earnest and
devoted to the cause of our country’s welfare. He was one
of the most active founders of this Congress, and was its
first hard-working Secretary in Bombay. From the very
first he had taken a warm interest and active part in our
work, and even after he became a Judge, his sound advice
was always at our disposal.

RECENT HIGHER APPOINTMENTS TO INDIANS.

I am glad Mr. Mahadhev Govind Ranade is appointed
in his place. {Cheers.) It does much credit indeed to Lord
Harris for the selection, and I am sure Mr. Ranade will
prove himself worthy of the post. I have known him
long, and his ability and learning are well-known.
(Applause.) His sound judgment and earnest work in
various ways have done valuable services to the cause of
India. (Applause.)

I am also much pleased that an Indian, Mr, Pramada
Charan Bannerji, succeeds Mr. Justice Mahmud at Alla-
habad. (Cheers.)

I feel thankful to the Local Governments and the
Indian Government for such appointments, and to Lord

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 23

Kimberley for his sanction of them among which I may
include also the decision about the Sanskrit Chair at
Madras. {Applause.) I feel the more thankful to Lord
Kimberley, for I am afraid, and I hope I may be wrong,
that there has been a tendency of not only not loyally
carrying out the rule about situations of Rs, 200 and up-
wards to be given to Indians, but that even such posts as
have been already given to them are being snatched away
from their hands. Lord Kimberley’s firmness in not
allowing this is therefore so much the more worthy of
praise and our thankfulness.

Lord Kimberley also took prompt action to prevent
the retrograde step in connection with the Jury system in
Bengal for which Mr. Paul and other friends interested
themselves in Parliament ; and also to prevent the retro-
grade interference with the Chairmanship of Municipali-
ties, at the instance of our British Committee in London.
I do hope that in the same spirit Lord Kimberley will con-
sider our representations about the extension of the Jury
system .

A MESSAGE FROM CENTRAL FINSBURY.

Before proceeding further, let me per form the gratify-
ing task of communicating to you a message of sympathy
and good-will which I have brought for you from Central
Finsbury. {Loud applause and three cheers for the electors
of Central Finsbury.) On learning that I had accepted
your invitation to preside, the Council of the Central Fins-
bury United Liberal and Radical Association passed a
Resolution, which I have now the pleasure of placing before
you, signed by Mr. Joseph Walton, the Chairman, and
forwarded to me by the Honorary Secretary, Mr. R. M. H.
Griffith, one of my best friends and supporters.

24

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

The Centra] Finsbury United Liberal and Radical Association,
in view of Mr. Naoro’ji's visit to India at the end of November
next, have passed the following Resolution : —

“ 1. That the General Council of the Central Finsbury United
Liberal and Radical Association desire to record their high appre-
ciation of the admirable and most exemplary manner in which Mr.
Dadabhai Naoroji has performed his duties as representative of
this constituency in the House of Commons and learning that he
is, in the course of a few months, to visit India to preside over the
Ninth Session of the Indian National Congress, request him to
communicate to that body an expression of their full sympathy
alike with all the efforts of that Congress for the welfare of India,
and with the Resolution which has been recently passed by the
House of Commons (in the adoption of which Mr. Dadabhai Nao-
roji has been so largely instrumental) in favour of holding Simul-
taneous Examinations in India and in Britain of candidates for all
the Indian Civil Services, and further express the earnest hope that
full effect will, as speedily as possible, be given by the Government
to this measure of justice which has been already too long delayed.
( Applause .)

“ 2. That a copy of this Resolution be forwarded to Mr.
Dadabhai Naoroji,

“ (Signed) Joseph Walton,

Chairman of Meeting

The Resolution has been sent to Mr. Naoroji with an
accompanying letter, which says : —

“ Central Finsbury United Liberal and Radical Association,

20, St. John Street Road, Clerkenwell,
London, E.C.

“ Dear Sir, — I have been directed to forward to you the
enclosed copy of Resolution passed at the last meeting of the
Council of this Association.

“Joining in the hope of my colleagues that the result of our
efforts may be of material and lasting good and wishing you a
fruitful journey, with a speedy return to us, the constituents
you so worthily represent in Parliament.

“I am, yours faithfully,

“ R. M. H. Griffiths,

Honorary Secretary.

u The Honourable Dadabhai Naoroji, M. P.,

House of Commons, Westminster,

August 1893?

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 25

ANGLO-INDIAN VIEWS ON THE EDUCATED NATIVES.

The fact is, and it stands to reason, that the thinking
portion and the educated, whether in English or in their
own learning, of all classes and creeds, in their common
nationality as Indians, are naturally becoming the leaders
of the people. Those Indians, specially, who have re-
ceived a good English education, have the double ad-
vantage of knowing their own countrymen as well as
understanding and appreciating the merits of British
men and British rule, with the result, as Sir Bartle
Frere has well put it : “ And now wherever T go I find

the best exponents of the policy of the English Govern-
ment, and the most able co-adjutors in adjusting that
policy to the pec uliari ties of the natives of India, among
the ranks of the educated natives.” {Applause,)

Or as the Government of India has said : “ To the

minds of at least the educated among the people of India
— and the number is rapidly increasing — any idea of the
subversion of the British power is abhorrent.” {Hear, hear.)
Government of India’s Despatch, dated 8th June, 1880,
to Secretary of State for India.

And as Lord Dufferin, as Viceroy of India, has said in
his Jubilee Speech : “ We are surrounded on all sides by
native gentlemen of great attainments and intelligence,
from whose hearty, loyal and honest co-operation we may
hope to derive the greatest benefit.” {Applause.)

It would be the height of unwisdom, after themselves
creating this great new force, “ which is rapidly increas-
ing ” as “ the best exponents and co-adjutors,” as “ab-
horring the subversion of the British power,” and from
whose “ hearty, loyal and honest co-operation the greatest
benefit can arise,” that the ruling authorities should drive

26

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

this force into opposition instead of drawing it to their
own side by taking it into confidence and thereby
strengthening their own foundation. This Congress re-
presents the Aristocracy of intellect and the New Politi-
cal Life, created by themselves, which is at present deeply
grateful to its Creator. Common sense tells you — have it
with you, instead of against you.

SIMULTANEOUS EXAMINATIONS IN ENGLAND AND INDIA.

With regard to your other most important Resolution,
to hold examinations simultaneously both • in India and
England for all the Civil Services, it would not have be-
come a practical fact by the Resolution of the House of
Commons of 2nd June last, had it not been to a large
extent for your persevering but constitutional demand for
it made with moderation during all the years of your
existence. (Applause.) I am glad that in the last Budget
debate the Under-Secretary of State for India has given
us this assurance : —

“ J.t may be in the recollection of the House that, in
my official capacity, it was my duty earlier in the Session
to oppose a Resolution in favour of Simultaneous Exami-
nations, but the House of Commons thought differently
from the Government. That once done, I need hardly
say that there is no disposition on the part of the Secre-
tary of State for India or myself to attempt to thwart
or defeat the effect of the vote of the House of Commons,
on that Resolution.” (Hear, hear and applause.)
Debates. Vol. XVII,, 1893. p. 1835.

We all cannot but feel thankful to the Secretary
of State, Lord Kimberley and the Under-Secretary of
State, Mr. George Russell, for this satisfactory as-

surance.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 27

I may just remark here in passing that 1 am not- able
to understand why the higher Civil and Educational
Medical Services are handed over to Military Medical
Officers, instead of there being a separate Civil Medical
Service, dealt with by Simultaneous Examinations in
India and England, as we expect to have for the other
Civil Services. I also may ask why some higher Civil
Engineering posts are given to Military Engineers.

BRITISH INTEREST IN INDIAN AFFAIRS.

One thing more I may sav : Your efforts have succeeded
not only in creating an interest in Indian affairs, but also
a desire among the people of the United Kingdom to pro-
mote our true welfare. {Hear, hear.) Had you achieved
in the course of the past eight years only this much and
no more, } T ou would have amply justified your existence.
{Cheers.) You have proved two things: — that you are
moderate and reasonable in what you ask, and that the
British people are willing to grant what is shown to be
reasonable.

It is not necessary for me to enlarge upon the subject
of your justification further than this, that all the Reso-
lutions you have formulated have more or less advanced;
that they are receiving attentive consideration is testified
by the continuous discussions that have been going on in
the Press and on the platform both here and in England.
In England itself many a cause, great or small, has to
agitate long before making an impression. What strug-
gles have there been in Parliament itself and out of
Parliament for the Corn Laws, Slavery Laws, Factory
Laws, Parliamentary Reforms, and many others, in short,
in every important Legislation? We must keep courage,
persevere, and “ never say die.” {Loud applause.)

28

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJl.

RECEPTION TO DADABHAI NAOROJI IN PARLIAMENT.

One more result, though not the least, of your labours,
I shall briefly touch upon. The effect which your labours
produced on the minds of the people of the United
Kingdom has helped largely an Indian to find his way
into the Great Imperial Parliament, and in confirmation
of this, I need not go further than remind you of the
generous action of Central Finsbury and the words of the
Resolution of the Council of its United Liberal and
Radical Association which 1 have already placed before
you. (Applause.)

As you are all aware, though it was long my wish,
my friend the Hon. Mr. Lai Mohan Ghose made the
first attempt, and twice contested Deptford, with no little
chances of success, but adverse circumstances proved too
strong for him. We owe a debt of gratitude to Dept-
ford, and also to Holborn, which gave me the first lift,
and in my contest there, though a forlorn hope, the
Liberal electors exerted their utmost, and gave me a very
satisfactory poll. (Cheers.)

My mind also turns to those good friends of India —
Bright, Fawcett, Bra dl a ugh and others, (Applause) — who
pioneered for us, prepared for the coming of this result,
and helped us when we were helpless.

This naturally would make you desire and lead me to
say a few words about the character of the reception
given to the Indian Member in the House of Commons.
It was everything that could be desired. (Cheers.) The
welcome was general from all sides, as the interest in
Indian affairs has been much increasing, and there is a
desire to do justice to India. (Renewed cheering.) Mr.
Gladstone on two occasions not only expressed his satis-

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 29

faction to me at finding an Indian in the House, hut
expressed also a strong wish to see several more.

The attendance on Indian questions has been good,
and what is still better, the interest in the Indian debates
has been earnest, and with a desire to understand and
judge rightly. India has indeed fared well this Session,
notwithstanding its other unprecedentedly heavy work.

PARLIAMENTARY INTEREST IN INDIAN QUESTIONS.

Thankful as we are to many Members of all sides, [
am bound to express our special thanks to the Irish,
Labour and Radical Members. ( Loud cheers .) I heard
from Mr. Davitt, two days before my departure, “ Don’t
forget to tell your colleagues at the Congress that every
one of Ireland’s Home Rule Members in Parliament is at
your back in the cause of the Indian People.” ( Prolonged
cheering .) All our friends who had been working for

us before are not only as zealous and staunch as ever,
but more active and earnest. I cannot do better than
to record in this place with thankfulness the names of
all those Members from all parties who voted for the
Resolution of 2nd June last in favour of Simultaneous
Examinations in England and India for all the Indian
Civil Services.*

As the ballot fell to Mr. Herbert Paul, ( Three cheers
for Mr. Paul.) he, as yon are aware, moved the Reso-
lution, and you know also how well and ably he advo-
cated the cause, and has ever since kept up a watchful
interest in and eye on it. 1 may mention here that I
had sent a whip or notice to every Member of the House
of Commons for this debate.

* The names are omitted.

30

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

Motion made, and Question proposed, “ That Mr.
Speaker do now leave the Chair

Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word
44 That ” to the end of the Question, in order to add
the words “ all open Competitive Examinations hereto-
fore held in England alone for appointments to the Civil
Services of India shall henceforth be held simultaneously
both in India and England, such Examinations in both
countries being identical in their nature, and all who
compete being finally classified in one list according to
merit — (Mr. Paul.)

Question put, “ That the words proposed to be left out
stand part of the Question —

The House divided ; Ayes 76, Noes 84.

I may say here a few words about the progress we are
making in our Parliamentary position. By the exertions
of Sir William Wedderburn, (Applause.) Mr. Caine,
(Applause.) and other friends, an Indian Parliamentary
Committee has been formed, of which Sir William
Wedderburn is the Chairman and Mr. Herbert Roberts
is the Secretary. (Applause.) The Committee is not yet
fully formed. It will, we hope, be a larger General
Committee of our supporters with a small Executive
Committee, like other similar Committees that exist in
the House for other causes. I give the names of the
Members now fully enrolled in this Committee : — Mr.
Jacob Bright, Mr. Caine, Mr. John E. Ellis, Dr. W. A.
Hunter, Mr. Illingworth, Sir Wilfred Lawson, Mr. Walter
B. McLaren, Mr. Swift MacNeill, Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji,
Mr. H. Paul, Sir Joseph Pease, Mr. T. H. Roberts, Mr.
R. T. Reid, Mr. Samuel Smith, Mr. C. E. Schwann, Mr.
Eugene Wason, Mr. Webb, Sir W. Wedderburn.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 31

Besides these, there are a large number of Members
(exclusive of the 70 or 80 Irish Members already referred
to) whom we count as supporters, and hope to see fully
enrolled Members on our Indian Parliamentary Commit-
tee before long.

On the eve of my departure, the committee invited me
to a private dinner at the House, and gave me a hearty
God-speed and wishes of success, with an expression of
their earnest desire to see justice done to India.
(Applause.)

Before leaving this subject of Parliament, let me offer
to Mr. George Russell, the Under-Secretary of State for
India, my sincere thanks for his sympathetic and cordial
treatment of me in all I had to do with him, and for his
personal good feeling and kindness towards me. (Applause.)

FUTURE OF THE CONGRESS.

With all that has been done by the Congress, we have
only begun our work. We have yet much and very
much more work to do till that political, moral and
material condition is attained by us which will raise us
really to the level of our British fellow-citizens in pros-
perity and political elevation, and thereby consolidate
the British power on the imperishable foundation of jus-
tice, mutual benefit and the contentment and loyalty of
the people.

The reason why I have dwelt upon our past life is
that it shows that our future is promising and hopeful,
that our faith in the instinctive love of justice and fair
play of the people of the United Kingdom is not mis-
placed, and that if we are true to ourselves and learn
from the British character the self-sacrifice and persever-
ance which the British so largely possess, we need never

32

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

despair of obtaining every justice and reform which we
may reasonably claim as our birthright as British citi-
zens. [Cheers.)

What then is to be our future work ? We have yet
to surmount much prejudice, prepossessions, and mis-
apprehension of our true, material and political condition.
But our course is clear and straight before us. On the
one hand we need not despair or quarrel with those who
are against us ; we should on the other hand go on steadily,
persevering!) 7 and moderately with the representation of
our grievances and just rights.

REFORM OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS.

In connection with the question of our Legislative
Councils we have yet very much work before us. Not
only are the present rules unsatisfactory even for the
fulfilment of the present Act itself as interpreted in the
House by Mr. Gladstone, not only have we yet to obtain
the full “ living representation ” of the people of India
in these Councils, but also much further extension of
their present extremely restricted powers which render
the Councils almost a mere name. By the Act of 1861
(19), without the permission of the Governor-General no
member can introduce any measure (which virtually
amounts to exclusion) about matters affecting the public
debt or public revenues or for imposing any charge on
such revenue, or the discipline and maintenance of any
part of Iler Majesty’s Military or Naval forces. This
means that, as far as the spending of our money is con-
cerned, the Legislative Council is simply as if it did not
exist at all. (Cries of shame , shame.) No motion can
be made by any member unless such motion be for leave
to introduce some measure or have reference to sonm

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 33

measure actually introduced thereunto. Thus there is no
opportunity of calling any Department or Government
to account for their acts. (Sec. 52.) All things which shall
be done by the Secretary of State shall have the same
force and validity as if this Act (1861) had not been
passed. Here is full arbitrary power. By the Act (1892,
Sec. 52), no member shall have power to submit or pro-
pose any resolution or to divide the Council in respect
of any such financial discussion, or the answer to any
question asked under the authority of this Act or the
rules made under this Act. Such is the poor character
of the extent of concession made to discuss finances or
to put questions. Rules made under this Act (1892)
shall not be subject to alteration or amendment at meet-
ings for the purpose of making Laws and Regulations.
Also (Act 1861, Sec. 22) the Secretary of State for India
can by an Act of Parliament raise any money in the
United Kingdom for the Government of India, and thus
pile up any amount of burden on the Indian tax-payer,
without his having a word to say upon it. We are to
all intents and purposes under an arbitrary rule, and are
just only about at the threshold of a true Legislative
Council.

INDIAN BUDGET DEBATE.

Amongst the most important work of the Councils is
the Budget. What is the condition of the Budget debate
both here and in England ? The House of Commons
devotes week after week for supply of the English Bud-
get, when every item of expenditure is discussed or may
be altered ; and not only that, but the conduct of the
department during the year is brought under review,
which becomes an important check to any arbitrary, un-

3

34

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

just or illegal action. But wliat is the Indian Budget
debate or procedure ? Here the Financial Statement
is made by the Finance Minister. Then a week or so
after, a few speeches are made to no practial effect, no
practical motion or resolution, and the whole thing is
over. ( Shame. ) Somewhat similar is the fate of the
Indian Budget in the House of Commons, with the ad-
vantage of proposing any amendments and, at least, of
having one amendment with practical effect of a division,
or vote. But there is also the important advantage of
bringing in any Indian measure or motion in the course
of the Session in accordance with the rules and orders
of the House like any other measure or motion. I felt
thankful that at the last Budget debate, though there
was the usual additional agony of the last day of the
Session, yet there was not also the agony of scanty
attendance, thanks to the increasing interest in the
House in Indian matters and to the friends of India.
(Applause.) In both places no practical check on any
waste, extravagant or unnecessary expenditure. I am
not at present discussing the merits of such Councils and
restriction of powers, but that such matters will require
your attention and consideration, that even in this one
matter of Legislative Councils you have yet to secure Mr.
Gladstone’s “ real living representative voice of the people ”
being heard upon every detail of the Government of Bri-
tish India. (Hear, hear.)

INDIAN REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT.

There is, however, another important matter — I mean
the direct representation from India in the Imperial
Parliament. {Applause.) As all our Imperial questions
and relations between India and the United Kingdom,

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 35

all amendments of Parliamentary Acts already passed and
existing, or all important Acts that may be and can be
only passed hereafter in Parliament, and all our ultimate
appeals can be settled in Parliament alone, it is of ex-
treme importance that there should be some reasonable
direct representation from India in the House of Commons
and the representatives may be Indians or Europeans as
loug as they are the choice directly of Indian Consti-
tuencies, just as you have delegates to this Congress of
Indians or Europeans.

Central Finsbury has been generous to us ; other
constituencies may also extend to us such generous con-
sideration and help, but it is not fair that we should be
left to depend upon the generosity of English Consti-
tuencies. ( Hear , hear.) Under present circumstances we
have a right to have direct representation. I hope the
time is not very distant when we may successfully
appeal to Parliament to grant us the true status of Bri-
tish political citizenship. (Cheers.) I do not overlook that
several matters will have to be considered, and I am
not at present placing before you a cut-and-dry scheme.
My only object is to draw your attention to this vital
subject.

POVERTY OF INDIA.

But the greatest question before you, the question of
all questions, is the Poverty c-f India. (Hear, hear.) This
will be, I am much afraid, the great future trouble both
of the Indian people and of the British Rulers. It is the
rock ahead. In this matter we are labouring under one
great disadvantage. This poverty we attribute to the
system, and not to the officials who administer that sys-
tem. (Hear, hear and applause). But unfortunately for

36

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

us, for themselves and the British people, the officials
(with clear-sighted exceptions of course) make the matter
personal, and do not consider impartially and with calm-
ness of judgment this all-important subject. The present
Duke of Devonshire has well put this state of the official
mind, which is peculiarly applicable in connection with
this subject. He said : “ The Anglo-Indian, whatever

may be his merits, and no doubt they are just, is not a
person who is distinguished by an exceptionally calm
judgment.” — -Speech, H. of 0., 23rd August, 1883.

Mr. Gladstone also lately, in the Opium debate, re-
marked : — “ That it was a sad thing to say, but un-
questionably it happens not infrequently in human affairs,
that those who from their situation ought to know the
most and the best, yet from prejudice and prepossessions
knew the least and the worst.” {Hear, hear.)

This has been our misfortune with officials. But there
have been and are some thoughtful officials who know the
truth, like Lord Lawrence and others in the past, and in
the present times like the latest Finance Ministers, Lord
Cromer, Sir Auckland Colvin and Sir David Barbour,
who have perceived and stated the terrible truth that
British India is extremely poor. Among other officials
several have testified to the sad fact, in “ Confidential
Reports,” which Government do not publish — and this
after a hundred years of the work of these officials under
the present unnatural system. The system being un-
natural, were the officials the very angels themselves, or
as many Gladstones, they cannot prevent the evils of the
system and cannot do much good. When Mr. Bayley
and I moved for a Royal Commission of Inquiry, it was
said that I had not produced evidence of poverty, it was

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 37

not so ; but it is difficult to make those see who would
not see. ( Laughter and applause ,) To every member of
the House I had previously sent my papers of all neces-
sary evidence on the annual income and absolute wants
of the people of India, I do not know whether any of
those who opposed us had taken the trouble to read this,
and it was unfair to expect that in making out a prima
facie case for our motion, I should reiterate, with the
unnecessary waste of some hours of the precious time of
the House, all the evidence already in their hands.

POVERTY OF INDIA & OFFICIAL STATISTICS.

You remember my papers on the Poverty of India, and
I have asked for Returns to bring up information to date,
so that a fair comparison of the present with the past
may enable the House to come to a correct judgment. I
am sorry the Government of India refuses to make a
return of a Note prepared so late as 1881 by Sir David
Barbour, upon which the then Finance Minister (Lord
Cromer) based his statement in his speech in 1882 about
the extreme poverty of the mass of the people. I do not
see why the Government of India should refuse. The
Note, I am told, is an important document. Government
for its own sake should be ready to give it. In 1880,
the present Duke of Devonshire, then Secretary of State
for India, readily gave me some statistics and informa-
tion prepared by Mr. F. Danvers, though I did not know
of their existence. This enabled me to point out some
errors and to explain some points which had been mis-
understood. Such information is extremely necessary,
not merely for the sake of the exceedingly poor masses
of the people, but for the very stability of the British
power itself.

38

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

The question of the Poverty of India should be fully
raised, grappled with and settled. The Government ought
to deal boldly and broadly with it. Let there be a re-
turn in detail, correctly calculated, made every year of
the total annual income of all British India, per head of
population, and of the requirements of a labourer to live
in working health, and not as a starved beast of burden.
Unless such complete and accurate information is given
every year in detail, it is idle and useless to make mere
unfounded assertions that India is prospering.

It must also be remembered that Lord Cromer’s
annual average of not more than Rs. 27 per head is for
the whole population, including the rich and all classes,
and not what the great mass of the population can or do
actually get. Out of the total annual income of British
India all that portion must be deducted which belongs to
European Planters, Manufacturers, and Mine owners,
and not to the people of British India, excepting the poor
wages they receive, to grudge to give away their own
country’s wealth, to the benefit of a foreign people. An-
other portion is enjoyed in and carried out from the
country on a far larger share per head by many who are
not the children of the soil — official and non-official.
Then the upper and middle classes of the Indians them-
selves receive much more than their average share. The
great mass of the poor people therefore have a much
lower average than even the wretched “ not more than
Rs. 27 ” per head.

You know that I had calculated the average of the
income as being Rs. 20 per head per annum, and when
Lord Cromer’s statement of Rs. 27 appeared, I requested
him to give me his calculations but he refused. However,

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 39

Rs. 20 or “ not more than Rs. 27 ” — how wretched is the
condition of a, country of such income, after a hundred
years of the most costly administration, and can such a
thing last ? ( Cries of “no, no” .)

It is remarkable that there is no phase of the Indian
problem which clear-headed and fair-minded Anglo-
Indians have not already seen and indicated. More than
a hundred years ago, in 1787, Sir John Shore wrote these
remarkable, far-seeing, and prophetic words : —

“ Whatever allowance we may make for the increased industry
of the subjects of the State, owing to the enhanced demand for
the produce of it (supposing the demand to be enhanced), there is
reason to conclude that the benefits are more than counter-
balanced by evils inseparable from the system of a remote foreign
dominion.” — Pari. Ret. 377 of 1812.

And these words of prophecy are true to the present
day. I pass over what has been said by other European
Officials at different times d firing the hundred years. I
come to 1886, and here is a curious and complete res-
ponse after a hundred years by the Secretary of State for
India. In a despatch (26th January, 1886) to the
Treasury, he makes a significant admission about the
consequences of the character of the Government of the
foreign rule of Britain. He says : —

“ The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources
of the public revenues is very peculiar, not merely from the
habits of the people and their strong aversion to change which is
more specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, but likewise
from the character of the Government, which is in the hands of
foreigners, who hold all the principal administrative offices and
form so large a part of the Army. The imposition of new taxa-
tion which would have to be borne wholly as a consequence of
the foreign rule imposed on the country and virtually to meet
additions to charges arising outside of the country would consti-
tute a political danger, the real magnitude of which, it is to be

40

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

feared, is not at all, appreciated by persons who have no knowledge
of or concern in the Government of India, but which those res-'
ponsible for that Government have long regarded as of the most
serious order.”

What a strange confirmation, fulfilment and explana-
tion of the very reason of the prophecy of a hundred
years ago, and admission now that because the character
of the present Government is such that “ it is in the hands
of the foreigners who hold all the principal administrative
offices and form so large a part of the army , ” the conse-
quence of it is a “ political danger ,” the real magnitude
of which is “ of the most serious order.”

Need I, after this declaration even, despair that some
of our Anglo-Indian friends would not take a lesson from
the Secretary of State and understand the evil of the
system under which India is suffering ? Have I ever
said anything clearer or stronger than this despatch has
done ? It gives my whole fear of the future perils to
the people of India and political danger to the British
power, in a nutshell. This shows that some of our Anglo-
Indian authorities have not been, nor are, so dull and
blind as not to have seen before or see now the whole
peril of the position, and the unnatural and suicidal sys-
tem of administration.

Yes, figures are quoted by some of what they call “ in-
crease of trade,” “ balance of trade in favour of India,”
“ increase of industry,” “ hoarding of treasure in British
India,” etc., etc., ; but our misfortune is that these people,
with bias and prejudices and prepossessions, and apparent-
ly having not very clear ideas of the principles, processes,
and details of commercial and banking operations and
transactions, and of the perturbations of what Sir John
Shore called “ the evils of a distant foreign dominion ”

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 41

are not able to understand and read aright these facts and
figures of the commercial and economic conditions of
British India. These people do not realise or seem to
understand that what are called “ the trade returns of
British India ” are misleading, and are not the trade re-
turns of British India. A good portion of both the im-
ports and exports of both merchandise and treasure be-
long to the Native States and to countries beyond the
borders, and not to British India. A separate return
must be made of the imports and exports of the non-
British territories, so that a correct account of the true
trade of British India may be given by itself — and then
there should be some statement of the exports which are
not trade exports at all, but only political and private
European remittances ; and then only will it be seen
how wretched this British indian true trade is, and how
fallacious and misleading the present returns are. A
return is made every year called 44 The Material and
Moral Progress of India.” But that part regarding
44 Material Progress,” to which I am confining my obser-
vations is very imperfect and misleading. As I have al-
ready said, nothing short of a return every year of the
average annual income per head of population of British
India, and of the absolute necessaries of life fora healthy
labourer, in detailed calculation can give any correct idea
of the progress or otherwise of the material condition of
the people of British India. I ask for “ detailed calcu-
lation ” in the returns, because some of the officials seem
to have rather vague notions of the Arithmetic of Aver-
ages, and though the foundation figures may be correct,
they bring out results far from truth. I have pointed
out this with instances in my papers. I have communi-

42

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

cated with the Secretary of State foe India, and he has
communicated with the Governments in India, But I do
not know how far this correction has been attended to by
those who calculate averages.

TRADE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA.

What is grievous is that the present unnatural system,
as predicted by Sir John Shore, is destructive to us, with
a partial benefit to the United Kingdom with our curse
upon it. But were a natural system to prevail, the com-
mercial and industrial benefits aided b} 7 perfect free-
trade that exists between India and the United Kingdom
will be to both countries of an extent of which we can at
present form no conception.

But here is an inexhaustible market of 221,000,000 of
their own civilized fellow-citizens with some 66,000,000
more of the people of the Native States, and what a great
trade would arise with such an enormous market, and the
United Kingdom would not for a long time hear any-
thing about her “ unemployed.” It is only some people
of the United Kingdom of the higher classes that at pre-
sent draw all the benefit from India. The great mass of
the people do not derive that benefit from the connection
with India which they ought to get with benefit to both
countries. On the other hand, it is with the Native
States that there is some comparatively decent trade.
With British India, as compared with its population,
the trade of the United Kingdom is wretched indeed
after a century of a very costly administration paid for
by the poverty-stricken ryots.

Truly as Macaulay said emphatically :

To trade with civilised man is infinitely more profitable than to
govern savages ; that would indeed be a doting wisdom, which,

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 43

in order that India might remain a dependency, would make it a
useless and costly dependency, which would keep a hundred
millions (now really 221,000.000) of men from being our customers
in order that they might continue to be our slaves.

Should this doting wisdom continue ?

It is impossible for me to explain in this address
all the misapprehensions. I have already explained my
views as fully as possible in my papers. These views were
at first ridiculed and pooh-poohed till the highest financial
authorities, the latest Finance Ministers themselves,
admitted the extreme poverty of India. Lord Cromer
summed up the situation in these remarkable words in
1882 : “ It has been calculated that the average income per
head of population in India is not more than Rs. 27 a
year.” “ In England the average income per year per
head of population was <£33 ; in France it was <£23 ; in
Turkey which was the poorest country in Europe, it was
£4 a head.” Comment is unnecessary. Let us and the
Government not live in a fool’s paradise, or time may
bring disasters to both when it is too late to stop them.
This poverty is the greatest danger both to us and the
rulers. In what shapes and varieties of forms the disease
of poverty may attack the body-politic, and bring out and
aggravate other evils, it is difficult to tell or foresee, but
that there is danger of “ most serious order,” as the
Secretary of State declares, nobody can deny.

INDIAN LOYALTY.

Were the people of British India allowed to enjoy the
fruits of their own labour and resources, and were fair
relations established between the British and Indian
peoples, with India contented and prosperous, Britain
may defy half-a-dozen Russias. ( Loud cheers.) Indians
will then fight to the last man and to the last rupee for

44

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

their share, as patriots and not as mercenaries. The
rulers will have only to stamp their foot, and millions will
spring up to defend the British power and their own
hearths and homes. ( Renewed cheering.)

We, the Congress, are only desirous of supporting
Government, and having this important matter of
poverty grappled with and settled, we are anxious to
prevent “ the Political danger” of the “most serious order,”
declared to exist by the Secretary of State himself. We
desire that the British connection should endure for a
long time to come for the sake of our material and
political elevation among the civilised nations of the world.
It is no pleasure or profit to us to complain unnecessarily
or wantonly about this poverty.

Were we enemies of British rule, our best course
would be, not to cry out, but remain silent, and let the
mischief take its course till it ends in disaster as it must.
But we do not want that disaster, and we therefore cry
out, both for our own sake, and for the sake of the
rulers. This evil of poverty must be boldly faced and
remedied.

This is the question to which vve shall have to devote
our best energies. We have, no doubt, to contend- against
many difficulties, but they must be surmounted for every-
body’s sake.

COSTLY ARMY AND CIVIL SERVICES.

The next subject to which I desire to draw your
attention is this. We have a large costly European
Army and European Ciril Services. It is not to be
supposed that in these remarks I accept the necessity for
them. I take at present the situation as it is. 1 now
submit to the calm consideration of the British people

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 .

and Government these questions. Is all this European
service entirely for the sole benefit of India ? Has the
United Kingdom no interest or benefit in it? Does not
the greatness of, and the greatest benefit to, the United
Kingdom arise from its connection with India ? Should
not the cost of such greatness and great benefits be shared
by the United Kingdom in proportion to its means and
benefit ? Are not these European services especially
imposed upon us on the clearly admitted and declared
ground of maintaining the British power ? Let us see
what our rulers themselves say.

BRITISH VIEWS ON THE COSTLY INDIAN ADMINISTRATION.

Lord Beaconsfield said: —

We had to decide what was the best step to counteract the
efforts Russia was then making, for though war had not been
declared, her movements had commenced in Central Asia, and the
struggle has commenced which was to decide for ever which power
should possess the great gates of India, and that the real question
at issue was whether England should possess the gates of her own
great empire in India, and whether the time had not arrived when
we could no longer delay that the problem should be solved and
in a manner as it has been solved by Her Majesty’s Government. —
Hansard, Vol. 250, p. 1094, 25th February, 1880.

Again he says : —

We resolved that the time has come when this country should
acquire the complete command and possession of the gates of the
Indian Empire. Let me at least believe that the Peers of England
are still determined to uphold not only the empire but the honour
of this country.

Can any words be more emphatic to show the vast and
most vital stakes, honour and interests of the United
Kingdom ?

Lord Kimberley, the Secretary of State for India, tells
us : —

46

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

“We are resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy over
our Indian Empire . . . . “ that among other things,” he says,

“ that supremacy rests upon the maintenance of our European
Civil Service,” “ that we rest also upon the magnificent European
Force which we maintain in that country.” — Times , 13th June,
1893. Mansion House Dinner to Lord Roberts.

This again is another emphatic declaration of the vast
stakes and interests of the United Kingdom for which
the European Services are maintained entirely at our
expense.

I shall give one more authority only.

See what a man like Lord Roberts, the symbol of
physical force admits. He says to the London Chamber
of Commerce : —

“I rejoice to learn that you recognise how indissolubly the
prosperity of the United Kingdom is bound up with the
retention of that vast Eastern Empire.” ( Times , 25 May, 1893.
Dinner by the London Chamber of Commerce.)

And again he says at Glasgow :

“ That the retention of our Eastern Empire is essential to the
greatness and prosperity of the United Kingdom.” ( Times , 29th

July, 1893.)

Now, I ask again, that with all such deep, vast and great
interests, and the greatness and prosperity of the United
Kingdom, essentially depending on the Eastern Empire,
and indissolubly bound up with it, is it reasonable, is it
just and fair, is it British that all the cost of such great-
ness, glory, and prosperity of the United Kingdom should
be entirely, to the last farthing thrown upon the wretched
Indians, as if the only relations existing between the
United Kingdom and India were not of mutual benefit,
but of mere masters and slaves as Macaulay pointed out to
be deprecated. (Applause and cries of “no, no”.)

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 47

As for the navy, the Times regards and it is generally
admitted that the very existence of Britain itself depends
upon the command of the sea. The Times says :

“ They will never forgive the Minister or the Ministry that leaves
them weaker at sea than any possible combination of France and
another power.”

By a telegram I read at Aden I found Mr. Gladstone
“ re-affirmed the necessity of British supremacy.”

For any war vessels that may be stationed in India for
the protection of the interests of both, the expenditure may
be fairly shared.

IRELAND AND INDIA CONTRASTED re FINANCIAL ADJUSTMENT.

In the Bill for the better government of Ireland there
are provisions by which Ireland is required to pay a
certain share of the Imperial expenditure according to its
means, and when necessary to pay a similar share of any
extraordinary expenditure, Ireland having all its resources
at its own command. Now see how vastly different is
our position. Not only will Ireland have all her internal
services, Irish or under Irish rules causing no foreign
drain from her, but she will also, as she has always enjoy-
ed, continue to enjoy her share in all the gain and glory
of the British Empire. Irishmen can be Viceroys,
Governors, and have any of the appointments in the
military or civil services of the Empire, with the additional
advantage of a large number of members in Parliament.
The Indians, on the other hand, have not only no such
share at all in the gains and glory of the British Empire,
but are excluded even from the services of their own
country, with the consequences of an exhausting foreign
drain, of the deplorable evils foretold by Sir John Shore
and subjected to the imposition cf every farthing of the

48

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

expenditure. Nor has India anj 7 votes in Parliament.
And we have now the additional misfortune that the
British Cabinet, since the transfer to the Crown, is no
longer the independent tribunal to judge between us and
the Indian authorities, and this adds heavily to our
difficulties for obtaining justice and redress, except so far
as the sense of justice of the non-official members of the
Parliament helps us.

INDIAN MILITARY EXPENDITURE.

There is a strange general misapprehension among
the people of the United Kingdom. They do not seem to
know T that they have not spent a single shilling either in the
formation of the British Indian Empire or in its maintenance
and that as far as I know, every farthing is taken from the
Indians, with the only exception in my knowledge that
Mr. Gladstone with his sense of justice allowed <£5,000,000
towards the last Afghan War, which, without having anj T
voice in it, cost India £21,000,000. ( Loud cries of “ Shame.”)
I cannot blame the people of the United Kingdom gener-
ally for this mistake, when even well -informed papers
give utterances to this most unfortunate fallacy. As for
instance, a paper like the Statist , in the extract which my
friend Mr. Dinshaw E. Wacha gave you last year, says :
“ Whatever may happen, we must defend India to our
last shilling and our last man,” while the fact is that
they have not spent even their first shilling or any shilling
at all, ( laughter ) but on the contrary derived benefits in
various ways from India of millions on millions every year.
(“ Shame. 7 ’) Nor have the fighters in creating and main-
taining the British Indian Empire been only the British
soldier to “ the last man.” Indian soldiers have done the
main work, and if India can be made prosperous and

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 49

contented as it can be by true statesmanship, the Indian
soldier will be ready to fight to “ the last man ” to defend
British power. ( Loud cheers.')

Britain in fact cannot send to India “ to its last man.”
The very idea is absurd ; on the contrary she can draw
from India for her European purpose an inexhaustible
strength.

Again, the Statist says : — “ We are at this moment
spending large sums of money in preparing against a
Russian attack.” Not a farthing of the British money?
Every farthing of these “ large sums,” which are crushing
us, is “ imposed ” upon the people of British India.
Such misleading statements are often made in the English
Press to our great injury. (“ Shame .”)

I repeat, then, that we must submit to the just con-
sideration of the British people and Parliament whether
it is just and right that they should not pay a fair share
according to their stakes and means, towards all such
expenditure as is incurred for the benefit of both India
and the United Kingdom, such expenditure, and the
respective share of each, being settled on a peace footing,
any extraordinary expenditure against any foreign invasion
being also further fairly shared.

Before closing this subject, I may just remark that
while leaving necessarily the highest offices of power and
control, such as Viceroys and Governors to Europeans,
I regard the enormous European Services as a great
political and imperial weakness, in critical political times
to the British power, as well as the cause, as the present
Duke of Devonshire pointed out, of the insufficiency of an
efficient administration of the country ; and also the main
cause of the evils foretold by Sir John Shore, and admit-

4

50

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

ted by the Secretary of State for India, after a hundred
years, as a political danger of 44 a most serious order
and of the poverty of India.

BRITISH OPINIONS ON THE BURDEN OF THE INDIAN
TAXPAYER.

I would not say much upon the next subject, as you
have had only lately the highest testimonies of two
Viceroys and three Secretaries of State for India — of
Lord Northbrook and Lord Ripon, and of the Duke of
Argyll, Lord Cross, and Lord Kimberley. You remember
the debate raised by Lord Northbrook in the House of
Lords a few months ago that the Home Military

Charges were unfair and unjust, and all the authori-
ties I have named endorsed the complaint. But

even the heads of the Indian authorities are so
much in terror of the Treasury that Lord Kimberley

said : — 44 The India Office has no particular desire that
the question should be re-opened and discussed anew,
for bitter experience has taught the department that the
re-opening of a question of this kind generally results in
the imposition of additional charges.” Is this one other
disadvantage of the transfer to the Crown? Lord Kimberley
hit the nail on the head why India was so unfairly
treated (and the same may be applied to such other treat-
ment of India by the Indian authorities themselves) when
he said : — 44 The reasons why proposals that must throw
fresh burdens on the Government of India are so fre-
quently made in the House of Commons is that those who
make them know that their own pockets will not suffer in
the desire to make things agreeable and comfortable.
{Laughter.) The taxpayers of the country exercise no
eheck upon such proposals, and the consequence is that

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 51

charges are sometimes imposed upon the Government of
India which that Government thinks unjust and unneces-
sary.” It must be borne in mind that charges “ imposed
on the Government of India ” means the suffering party
is the poor taxpayer of India.

The Duke of Argyll characterises these charges as
“ unjust and illegal tribute to England.” But mark
the words of Lord Cross : — “ I am certain that in the
course of a few years the Indian people will force
us to do them justice.” This is just the feature “ to be
forced to do justice ” which I always deplore. We desire
that all necessary reforms and acts of justice should be
spontaneous on the part of Britain, in good grace and in
good time as gifts claiming our gratitude, and not to
wait till “ forced,” with loss of grace from the giver and
the loss of gratitude from the receiver. ( Hear , hear.)

I offer my thanks to Lord Northbrook and other Lords
for that debate, though yet barren of any result. But we
may fairly hope that such debate must sooner or later
produce good results. It is like a good seed sown and will
fructify.

Here are some smaller items : The cost of the India
Office Building of about half-a-million, of the Boyal Engi-
neering College of XI 34,000, and of other buildings is all
cast on India. The cost of the Colonial Office Building,
X100,000, is paid from the British Exchequer. The India
Office Establishment, etc., about £230,000 a year, is all
imposed on India, while the £41,000 of the Colonial Office
and £168,000 for Colonial Services are paid from the
British Exchequer. The Public Debt of India (excluding
Railway and Productive Works) is incurred in creating and
preserving the British power, but all our cries to give m

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NA©ROJI.

at least the benefit of a British guarantee have been in
vain, with the curious suicidal effort of showing to the
world that the British Government itself has no confi-
dence in the stability of its own power in India, (Hear,
hear.)

In 1870, Mr. Gladstone declared India to be 44 too much
burdened when the Annual Expenditure was .£39,000,
000 ; what expression can be used now when, with an ex-
tremely poor income, the burden now is nearly 75 per cent.,
heavier, or Its. 68,000,000 this year.

SEPARATION OF EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS.

Passing on to the other subjects, I hope the separation
of Executive and Judicial functions will receive attention
as its necessity has been recognised. We have to persevere
for this as well as for other parts of our programme,
bearing in mind one great difficulty we have to contend
with. Unfortunately the Indian authorities when they
determine to do or not to do a thing under the notion of
preserving prestige and strength, as if any false prestige
can be a strength, disregard even Resolutions or Acts of
Parliament itself, and resort to every device to carry
their own point of view. ( Loud cries of 44 Shame”) We
cannot expect Parliament to watch Indian affairs from day
to day, and therein lies the impunity and immunity of
the Indian administration.

I shall refer to only two instances : First, the case of
the misleadingly called 44 The ^Statutory Service,” and
what in reality was created out of, and as a part and
parcel of, the Covenanted Civil Service. I can speak with
some authority, for I was the very proposer of the Memo-
rial of the East India Association to Sir Stafford
Northcote which resulted in the Clause of the Act of 1870.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 53

But the Indian authorities would not have it. They
moved heaven and earth to thwart it ; it is a long and
a sad story for the good name of Britain, and they never
rested till they made the Statute a dead letter, though it
still stands on the Statute Book of the Imperial Parlia-
ment. (“ Shame.”) However, I hear with pleasure, and
I hope it is true, that a disposition has arisen, for
which I understand Lord Kimberley is to be thanked,
to redress this glaring and unfortunate wrong — unfortunate
for British prestige, for British honour and British good
faith, and I do hope that the Government would do this
redress ungrudgingly, with good grace, completeness and
generosity. This instance illustrates another unfortunate
phase of the Administration.

INDIAN FOREST SERVICE.

The Forest Department is recruited by examinations in
England and by selection in India. Such selection is
not based upon a Resolution or Act of Parliament, but
upon the will of the authorities and consisting of Euro-
peans. The Government of India in Resolution No. 18
F, of 29th July, 1891, have described them as untrained
and uncovenanted officers, who have been unconditionally
appointed in past years, and yet they are ordered in the
regular Indian Forest Service ; while those Native Civi-
lians, created and backed by an Act of Parliament, as
distinctly belonging to the Covenanted Civil Service, are
excluded from that Civil Service to which the Act dis-
tinctly appointed them. Can such difference of treatment
of Europeans and Indians preserve British prestige for
honour and justice, and would it increase or diminish
the existing attachment of the Indians to British
rule ?

54

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

THE STATE REGULATION OF VICE.

The second instance was the practical disregard of the
Resolution of the House of Commons about the State
regulation of vice. But in this case there were vigilant
watchers like Mrs. Butler, Mr. Stansfeld, M.P., Mr.
Stuart, M.P., and others, and they did not allow the
Resolution to become a dead letter. In this case also I
am glad to find that the Indian authorities now mean
to give loyal effect to the Resolution, and well
may they do so, for the sake of the British good name,
fame, and prestige, for morality of every kind upon which
mainly British strength and influence rest.

THE CURRENCY QUESTION.

On the Currency Question I need not dwell much. My
views are not unknown to you. Now that the Sherman
Law is repealed by the United States, we may hope to see
a settled condition in time. No amount of currency,
jugglery or devices in this country could have any influ-
ence (except that of creating troubles in the country it-
self, as has happened) on the loss in the remittances to
England for Home charges which must be paid in gold,
and will fluctuate with the rise or fall of gold in the
United Kingdom. As if this crushing loss was not enough
for the wretched taxpayers, further burdens were laid to
make things agreeable and comfortable with other people’s
money, as Lord Kimberley would say, of high exchange
to the European officials, and the further most unwar-
ranted payment of <£138,000 to the banks, with whose
transactions in profits or loss the taxpayer has no connec-
tion whatever. (“ Shame , shame. ”) Some strange prece-
dents are made in this matter to silence opposition and to
support banks at the expense of the taxpayers, which will

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 55

lead to serious troubles in the future. Should not the
millowners and other concerns also claim compensation
for the dislocation of their industry or transactions by
the currency action of the Government, as Government
itself admits to have caused such dislocation ? Would the
British Exchequer have paid any such money to the Bri-
tish banks ? Such a thing would never have been thought
of. The utmost that is done in any crisis is allowing the
Bank of England to issue more notes under strong restric-
tions. Had the banks made profits instead of loss, would
they have handed them to the taxpayer ? Then it
would have been called the reward of shrewdness, foresight,
enterprise, etc., etc.

The whole currency troubles from which India is suffer-
ing, and which are so peculiar to India and so deplorable
to the Indian taxpayer, and from which no other silver-
using country suffers, is one of the best illustrations and
object-lessons, and proof of the soundness of Sir John
Shore’s prophecy about the evil consequences of the
present unnatural system of a remote foreign dominion,
or as the Secretary of State called the danger of “ a most
serious order.”

The currency muddle will necessitate new taxation.
The usual easy and unchecked resource of putting off the
evil day by borrowing is already resorted to, and in the
spirit of keeping things agreeable and comfortable to those
who have votes in Parliament, there is danger of increase
in the salt tax. I do hope that Government will have
some moral courage and some mercy upon the wretched
taxpayer, and reduce even the salt tax by re-imposing the
cotton duties. Not that by this means India will be saved
a pie from the addition of burdens, but that a little better

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI 1NAOKOJI.

able shoulders will hatfe to bear them, or, as Lord
Salisbury once coolly put it, that as India must be bled,
the lancet should be directed to the parts where there was
at least sufficient blood, not to those which are already
feeble from the want of it.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT AND THE
NATIVE STATES.

Another subject of our future work to which I need
only touch now is the relations of the Government
with the Native States. There is much unnecessary
irritation and dissatisfaction where there ought to be the
pleasantest harmony with much greater devoted loyalty
than what even now really exists. And it is also a, great
mistake for a foreign power not to draw the military capa-
city and spirit of the country to their own side by giving
it a fair career and interest in their own service. Make
the military races feel it to their advantage and interest
to be loyal to the British rule instead of keeping them
alienated from the Government.

FELLOW-FEELING AND COMMON NATIONALITY.

I need not say more upon our future work, as various
Resolutions of importance will be placed before you for
your consideration, and I am sure you will deliberate with
that moderation and fairness for which you have already
distinguished yourselves and acquired just credit, and for
which I offer you my hearty congratulations. You re-
cognise, I have no doubt, that at every turn you have yet
serious questions to grapple with and much work to do.

Any one who has watched my public career must have
seen that my main underlying principle and the desire of
my heart is to promote, as far as I can, good fellow-feeling
among all my countrymen. {Loud applause.) And I have

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 57

on doubt that all the educated and thinking men and all
true friends of our own country will continue to do all
that lies in their power to bring about stronger and
stronger friendly ties of common nationality, fellow-feeling
and due deference to each other’s views and feelings
amongst the whole people of our country.

GOVERNMENT AND LAWLESSNESS.

Government must be firm and just in case of any un-
fortunate differences ; as far as Government are concerned
their duty is clearly to put down with a strong hand any
lawlessness or disturbance of the peace, no matter who the
parties concerned may be. They can only stand, as they
ought, on the only sure and right foundation of even-handed
justice to all, and cannot allow any one to take the law
into his own hands ; the only wise policy is to adhere to
their declared policy of strict neutrality and equal protec-
tion and justice to all creeds. (Hear, hear.)

I was much pleased, to read in the papers that cordial
conferences had been held between Muhammadans and
Hindus in various places to device means to prevent any
deplorable occurrences happening in the future.

HARMONY AND UNTON BETWEEN DIFFERENT RACES.

Looking back to the past as my own personal experi-
ence of my life, and as far back as 1 know of earlier days,
at least on my side of India, I feel a congratulation that
all association and societies of members of all creeds have
worked together in harmony and union, without any con-
sideration of class or creed in all matters concerning our
common national public and political interests. No doubt,
latterly, even in such common matters, differences of views
have arisen and will arise, but such differences of views,
when genuine, are healthy, just as is the case in the

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

United Kingdom itself with its two political parties.
(Hear, hear.)

What makes me still more gratified and look forward
hopefully in the future is that our Congress has not only
worked so far in the union and concord of all classes and
creeds, but has taken care to provide that such harmony
should continue in the future. As early as in the Congress
at Allahabad of 1888, you passed this Resolution(XlII) : —

That no subject shall be passed for discussion by the Subject
Committee, or allowed to be discussed at any Congress by the
President thereof, to the introduction of which the Hindu or
Muhammadan delegates as a body object unanimously or nearly
unanimously ; and that if, after the discussion of any subject
which has been admitted for discussion, it shall appear that all
the Hindu or all the Muhammadan delegates as a body are unani-
mously or nearly unanimously opposed to the Resolution which it
is proposed to pass thereon, such Resolution shall be dropped ;
provided that this rule shall refer only to subjects in regard to
which the Congress has not already definitely pronounced an
opinion.

As I have already said, the highest wish of my heart is
that all the people of India should regard and treat each
other as fellow-countrymen, with fellow-feeling for the
good of all. {Applause.)

We may, I am convinced, rest fully assured that what-
ever political or national benefit we may acquire will in
one or other way benefit all classes, {Hear, hear.) the bene-
fit of each taking various forms. The interests of us all
are the same. We are all in the same boat. We must
sink or swim together. Government cannot but treat us
all alike. It is unreasonable for us to expect from them,
and unjust and unwise for them to show, any undue favour
to any particular class or community. The only solid
foundation for them is justice and impartiality, and the

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 59

only just demand from us also can only be justice and
impartiality. ( Loud applause.)

If the country is prosperous, then if one gets scope in
one walk of life, another will have in another walk of life.
As our Indian saying goes : “ If there is water in the

well it will come to the cistern.” If we have the well of
prosperity we shall be able to draw each our share from it.
But if the well is dry we must all go without any at all.

FOUNDATIONS OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA.

A word for the basis upon which the strength of British
power stands. Britain can hold India, or any one country
can hold another, by moral force only. You can build
up an empire by arms or ephemeral brute phj'sical force,
but you can preserve it by the eternal moral forces only.
Brute force will, some time or other, break down ; righte-
ousness alone is everlasting. (Cheers.) Well and truly
has Lord Ripon said “ that the British power and in-
fluence rests upon the conviction of our good faith more
than upon the valour of our soldiers or the reputation of
our arms.” (Applause.) Mr. Gladstone says :

“ It is the predominance of that moral force for which I heartily
pray in the deliberations of this House and the conduct of our
whole public policy, for I am convinced that upon that predomi-
nance depends that which should be the first object of all our
desires, as it is of all our daily official prayers, namely, that union
of heart and sentiment which constitutes the truest basis of
strength at home, and therefore both of strength and good fame
throughout the civilised world.” — Debates, 9th August, 1892. p„
1892. (Applause.)

And here is a remarkable instance cited by Mr. Glad-
stone of a people of a different race becoming attached even
to the much despised Turkish rule. How much more will
the people of India, if contented and prosperous, become

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

attached to the rule of such a people as the British ?
Referring to Lebanon, Mr. Gladstone said : —

“ Owing to the wise efforts of Lord Dufferin and others about
thirty years ago, local management was established since which
the province has become contented and attached to the Turkish
Empire.”

Lord Roberts, the apostle of British strong arm to
maintain British power, and though much imbued with
many of the prejudices against the progress of the Indians,
as a true soldier, admits without hesitation what be con-
siders as the only solid foundation upon which British
strength must forever rest. He says :

“ But however efficient and well equipped the army of India
may be, were it indeed absolute perfection and were its numbers
considerably more than they are at present, our greatest strength
must ever rest on the firm base of a united and contented India.”

Truer and more statesmanlike words could not be
uttered. Permit me to give one more extract. Mr.
Gladstone, referring to Irish Home Rule, said :

“ There can be no nobler spectacle than that which we think
is now drawing upon us, the spectacle of a nation deliberately set
on the removal of injustice, deliberately determined to break, not
through terror and not in haste, but under the sole influence of
duty and honour, determined to break with whatever remains still
existing of an evil tradition, and determined in that way at once
to pay a debt of justice and to consult by a bold, wise, and good
act its own interests and its own honour.”

Am 1 at all unreasonable in hoping that such noble
statesmanship, honour, and good faith of the British peo-
ple will, in fullness of time, also extend to India similar
justice ? I shall hope as long as I live.

INDIAN NATIONALITY.

Let us always remember that we are all children of our
mother country. Indeed, I have never worked in any

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 61

other spirit than that I am an Indian, (Cheers.) and owe
duty to my country and all my countrymen. Whether
I am a Hindu, a Muhammadan, a Parsi, a Christian, or
of any other creed, I am above all an Indian. Our country
is India ; our nationality is Indian. (Loud cheers.)

The question for us, especially a body like this, who
have received the blessings of education, is : How are we

to perform our duty to our country? Certainly no one
requires to be taught that no great cause or object can ever
be accomplished without great sacrifices — personal and
pecuniary. We can never succeed with the British peo-
ple by mere declamations. We must show that we believe
in the justice of our cause by our earnestness and self-
sacrifice. (Hear, hear.)

LEARN TO MAKE SACRIFICES.

I desire now to impress upon my countrymen with all
the earnestness I am capable of to prepare themselves for
sacrifices. We observe every day what sacrifices the Bri-
tish people make for attaining any object, great or small
and how persistently they stick to it ; and among the
lessons which we are learning from them let us learn this
particular one, with the double advantage and effect of
showing that Indians have public spirit and love of their
country, and also proving that they are earnest in what
they are asking. (Applause.)

ORGANISED EFFORTS.

Our work for the amelioration of our country and for
obtaining all the rights and benefits of British citizen-
ship will go on increasing, and it is absolutely necessary
that our organization, both here and in the United King-
dom, should be much improved and made complete.
Without good organisation no important work can be

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI.

successfully done ; and that means much pecuniary and
personal sacrifice. We must remember the Congress
meets once a year. The General Secretaries and the
Standing Committees have to carry out the details and in-
form the circles of the work and resolutions of the Congress.

CONGRESS WORK IN LONDON.

But the most important and national work formulated
by the Congress has to be done with watchfulness, day
after day, in London by your British Committee. ( Cheers .
And, further, by your Resolution XII, of the seventh
Session, you “ urged them (the Committee) to widen
henceforth the sphere of their usefulness by interesting
themselves not only in those questions dealt with by the
Congress, but in all Indian matters submitted to them and
properly vouched for in which any principle accepted by
the Congress is involved.” ( Renewed cheering.)

Fancy what this means. Why, it is another India
Office! You have put all India’s every-day work upon the
shoulders of the Committee. It becomes exceedingly
necessarj 7 for efficient and good work to have some paid
person or persons to devote time to study the merits of
all the representations which pour in with every mail,
or by telegrams, before any action can be taken on
them. It is in the United Kingdom that all our
great fights are to be fought, all our national and
imperial questions are to be settled, and it is to our
British Committee in London that we have to look for the
performance of all this responsible and arduous work,
with the unfortunate feature that we have to contend
against many adverse influences, prepossessions and mis-
understandings. We have to make the British people
unlearn a good deal.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 63

On the other hand, we have this hopeful feature also
that we have not only many British friends, but also
Anglo-Indians, who, in the true spirit of justice and of
the gratitude to the country to which they owe their past
career and future provision, appreciate the duty they owe
to India, and are desirous to help us, and to preserve the
British Empire by the only certain means of justice, the
honour and righteousness of the British people, and by
the contentment and prosperity of India.

You know well how much we owe to the present
English members of our Committee, Sir William Wed-
derburn, ( Three vheers for Sir William Wedderburn.)
Mr. Hume, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. Adam, Mr. Schwann, M.P.,
and Mr. McLaren, M.P. If we want all such help at the
fountain head of power without which we cannot do much
good, we must take care to supply them always, promptly
and accurately, all necessary sinews of war. (Hear, hear
and applause .)

CONGRESS ORGAN 4 4 INDIA.”

Then there is the journal 44 INDIA,” without which
our work will not be half as efficient as with it. It is an
absolute necessity as an instrument and part of the organi-
zation. Every possible effort must be made to give it the
widest circulation possible both here and in the United King-
dom. I wish it could be made weekly instead of monthly.

With proper effort ten-thousand copies should be easily
disposed of here as a beginning, and we must do this.

DADABHAl’s SUCCESSFUL ELECTION TO THE BRITISH
PARLIAMENT.

This is the first opportunity I have of meeting you
after the Congress of 1886, over which I had the honour
to preside at Calcutta. Let me now thank you personally for

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI,

your constant remembrance of me, for your unceasing
encouragement, and for }mur two most kind and gratify-
ing resolutions passed at the last two sessions as represen-
tatives of every class and creed, and almost wholly consist-
ing of Hindu and Muhammadan delegates, and each
delegate being elected by and representative of the
whole mixed community of the place he represents, on
the basis of common interest and nationality. I must
beg your indulgence to record those Resolutions in this
address. The first Resolution (XIV) passed by the
Seventh Congress in 1891, while I was a candidate, is
this : —

Resolved, that this Congress hereby puts formally on record
its high esteem and deep appreciation of the great services which
Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji has rendered, during more than a quarter of
a century, to the cause of India, and it expresses its unshaken
confidence in him, and its earnest hope that he may prove success-
ful at the coming election, in his candidature for Central Finsbury;
and at the same time tenders, on behalf of the vast population it
represents, India’s most cordial acknowledgments to all in England
whether in Central Finsbury or elsewhere, who have aided or may
aid him to win a seat in the House of Commons.

I need not say how right earnestly Central Finsbury
listened to your appeal and fulfilled your hope, for which
we owe them our most unstinted thanks, and to all those
who helped in or out of Central Finsbury. ( Loud
applause.)

I may here once more express my hearty thanks to
many ladies and gentlemen who worked hard for my
election . After 1 was elected, you passed the second
Resolution (XVI.) in the last Session. I may point here
to the significant incident that in that Congress there
was, I think, only one Parsi delegate and he even not the

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 65

delegate of Parsis, but of all classes of the people. This
Resolution was : —

Resolved that this Congress most respectfully and cordially
tenders, on behalf of the vast population it represents, India’s
most heartfelt thanks to the Electors of Central Finsbury for
electing Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji their Member in the House of
Commons ; and it again puts on record its high esteem and deep
appreciation of the services which that gentleman has rendered to
this country, reiterates its unshaken confidence in him, and looks
upon him as India’s representative in the House of Commons.

DADABHAI RETURNS THANKS TO ALL INDIANS.

Let me also now take this opportunity, on Indian soil,
to tender my most heartfelt thanks for the telegrams,
letters, and addresses of congratulation which I received
from all parts and classes of India — literally I may say
from the prince to the peasant, from members of all creeds,
from Hindus, Muhammadans, Christians, Parsis, from
Ceylon, from the High Priest of Budhists, and Budhists,
and other residents from the Cape, British Guiana, Aus-
tralia, and in short from every part of the British Empire
where there were Indian residents. Ladies and Gentlemen,
put aside my personality and let me join in your rejoicings
as an Indian in the great event in Indian annals of an
Indian finding his way in the Imperial Parliament.
( Loud and prolonged cheering .)

And lastly, beginning from the distant Western Gate of
India, where the Indian residents of Aden, of all creeds,
gave me a most hearty reception ; then the great portal of
India, the dear old City of my birth, gave me a most
magnificent -welcome with its never-ceasing kindness to-
wards me, Poona doing her best to vie with Bombay, and
through the Punjab so splendidly ; and this series of wel-
come now ending in your extraordinary one which I am

5

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

utterly unable to describe. Is there any reward more
grand and more gratifying than the esteem, the joy with
my joy, the sorrow with my sorrow, and above all the
u unshaken confidence ” of my fellow-countrymen and
country-women of our grand, old, beloved country ?

I may refer to an incident which, as it is satisfactory,
is also very significant of the real desire of the British
people to do justice to India. The congratulations on my
election from all parts of the United Kingdom also were
as hearty and warm as we could desire, and expressing
satisfaction that an Indian would be able to voice the
wants and aspirations of India in the House of Commons.

LONDON CONGRESS.

I can assure the Congress that, as I hope and wish, if
you will pay an early visit to the United Kingdom and
hold a Session there, you will obtain a kind and warm re-
ception from its peoples. And you will, by such direct
and personal appeal to the British Nation, accomplish a
vast amount of good. (. Hear, hear.)

FAITH IN BRITISH FAIR-PLAY AND JUSTICE.

Our fate and our future are in our own hands. If
we are true to ourselves and to our country and make
all the necessary sacrifices for our elevation and amelior-
ation, I, for one have not the shadow of a doubt that in
dealing with such justice-loving, fair-minded people as the
British, we may rest fully assured that, we shall not
work in vain. It is this conviction which has supported
me against all difficulties. I have never faltered in my
faith in the British character and have always believed
that the time will come when the sentiments of the Bri-
tish Nation and our Gracious Sovereign proclaimed to us
in our Great Charter of the Proclamation of 1858 will

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 67

be realised, {Applause.) viz., “ In their prosperity will be
our strength, in their contentment our best reward."
And let us join in the prayer that followed this hopeful
declaration of our Sovereign : “ May the God of all power
grant to us and to those in authority under us strength
to carry out these our wishes for the good of our
people.”

DADABHAl’s EXHORTATION.

My last prayer and exhortation to the Congress and
to all my countrymen is — Go on united and earnest, in
concord and harmony, with moderation, with loyalty to
the British rule and patriotism towards our country, and
success is sure to attend our efforts for our just demands,
und the day I hope is not distant when the World will
see the noblest spectacle of a great nation like the British
holding out the hand of true fellow-citizenship and of
justice to the vast mass of humanity of this great and
ancient land of India with benefits and blessings to the
human race. {Loud and prolonged cheering.)

Twenty-second Congress — Calcutta — 1906.

—

INTRODUCTION.

Raja Peari Mohun Mukerjee, Dr. Rashbehari Ghose,.
and my friends : — I thank you from the bottom of my
heart for proposing me to be the President of the Indian
National Congress on this occasion. You may rest assur-
ed that I feel from the bottom of my heart the honour
that you have done me and in my humble way 1 would
fulfil the important duty you have called me to perform.
I cannot undertake at present to read my whole address
though I expected I would be able to do so. I would
ask my friend Mr. Gokhale to read it for me. I v/ould
just make the beginning and say that I thank you most
sincerely for honouring me for the third time by electing
me to the Presidentship of the Indian National Congress..
I hope I shall have your co-operation, help and support. I
am obliged to express my deep sorrow at the losses which
the country has sustained by the deaths of Mr. W. C-
Ronnerjee, Mr. Anand Mohan Bose, Mr. Budrudin
Tyabji and Mr. M. Veeraragliava Chariar.

Mr. Gokhale then read the following Presidential
Add re ss at the request of Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji : —

President’s Address.

61 Good government could never be a substitute for govern-
ment by the people themselves. ”

(Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman , Stirling , 23 — 11 — 1905.)-

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 69

But this I do say that politicial principles are after all
the root of our national greatness, strength and hope.”
(Mr. John Morley , King's Hall , Holborn , J — 6 — 1901).
u But if you meddle wrongly with economic things,
gentlemen, be very sure you are then going to the
very life, to the heart, to the core of your national
existence.”

{Free- Trade Hall , Manchester ,19 — 10 — 1903. )

Ladies and Gentlemen, — I thank you most sincerely
for honouring me for the third time with the President-
ship of the Indian National Congress. I hope I shall have
your cordial help and support.

I may here express my deep sorrow at the loss India
has suffered in the deaths of Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee, Justice
Budrudin Tyabji, Mr. Anand Mohan Bose and Mr.
Veeraraghava Chariar.

I offer my sincere thanks to the “ Parliament Branch
of the United Irish League,” the Breakfast Meeting, the
North Lambeth Liberal and Radical Club and the Nation-
al Democratic League for their enthusiastic and cordial
godspeed to me.

This is the first Congress after its having come of age.
It is time that we should carefulty consider what the posi-
tion of the Indians is at present and what their future
should be.

In considering this important matter I do not intend
to repeat my lamentations over the past. I want only to
look to the future.

The work of the Congress consists of two parts: —
First and most important is the question of the policy
and principles of the system of Government under which
India ought to be governed in the future.

70 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOEOJI.

Second is to watch the operation of the administration
as it now exists, to propose from time to time any reforms
and changes that may be deemed necessary to be made in
the various departments, till the present system of govern-
ment is radically altered and based upon right principles
and policy in the accomplishment of the first part mention-
ed above.

I desire to devote my address mainly to the first part
of the work of the Congress, viz., the policy and principles
which ought to govern India in future.

What position do the Indians held in the British
Empire? Are they British citizens or not is my first ques-
tion ? I say we are British citizens and are entitled to
and claim all British citizen’s rights.

I shall first la}' before you roy reasons for claiming
that we are British citizens.

REASON 1, THE BIRTHRIGHT.

The acknowledgment of this birthright was declared
on the very first occasion when England obtained the very
first territorial and sovereign possession in India. The
British statesmen of the day at once acted upon the fund-
amental basis of the British Constitution and character
that any one who came howsoever and wheresoever, under
the British flag was a free British citizen as “ if born and
living in England,”

The fundamental basis in the words of the present
Prime Minister is : —

Freedom is the very breath of our life ... ... We stand for

liberty, our policy is the policy of freedom.

In the words of Mr. Morley : —

Yes, gentlemen, the sacred word “ free ” which represents as
Englishmen have always thought until to-day, the noblest aspira-
tion that can animate the breast of man.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 190G. 71

This birthright to be “ free” or to have freedom is our
right from the very beginning of our connection with
England when we came under the British flag.

When Bombay was acquired as the very first territo-
rial possession, the government of the day in the very first
grant of territorial rights to the East India Company dec-
lared thus: —

(Extract from the Grant to the First East India company of
the Island of Bombay, dated 24th March 1669.)

And it is declared that all persons being His Majesty’s sub-
jects inhabiting within the said Island and their children and their
posterity born within the limits thereof shall be deemed free
denizens and natural subjects as if living and born in Eng-
land.

And further all the terms of the first grant are exten-
ded in it to all future British territorial acquisitions. Thus
is the claim of Indians to be “ free ” and to all the rights
of British natural subjects as “if living and born in Eng-
land ” are distinctly acknowledged and declared from the
very first political connection with England.

Having given the declaration made some two and a
half centuries back in the 17th century that the moment
we Indians came under the British flag we were “free”
citizens, I next give you what two of the prominent
statesmen of this, the 20th, century have said. When the
Boers were defeated and subjugated, and came under the
British flag, the present Prime Minister said (14th June
1901) : —

These people with whom we are dealing are not only going 1
to be our fellow-citizens ; they are our fellow-citizens already.

Sir William Harcourt at the same time said: —

This is the way in which you propose to deal with your’
fellow-citizens.

72 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

Thus the moment a people came under the British,
flag they are “ free ” and British “ fellow-citizens.'’ We
Indians have been free British citizens as our birthright,
as “if born and living in England ” from the first moment
we came under the British Flag.

The Boer war cost Britain more than two hundred
millions and 20,000 dead, and 20,000 wounded. India, on
the other hand, has enriched Britain instead of costing
anything — and the blood that was shed was largely Indian
blood — and yet this is a strange contrast. The Boers have
already obtained self-government in a few years after con-
quest, while India has not yet received self-government
though it is more than 200 years from the commencement
6f the political connection.

All honour and glory to the British instincts and
principles and to the British statesmen of the 17th century.
The Liberals of the present day and the Liberal Govern-
ment have every right to be proud of those “ old princi-
ples ” and now that a happy and blessed revival of those
sacred old principles has taken place, the present Govern-
ment ought fairly to be expected to act upon those old
principles, and to acknowledge and give effect to the birth-
right of Indians as “if living and born in England. ” Eng-
land is bound to do this. Our British rights are beyond all
question. Every British Indian subject has franchise in
England as a matter of course, and even to become a
Member of Parliament. Nobody in England dreams of ob-
jecting to it. Once in my case, from party motives, an
objection was suggested to entering my name on the regis-
ter as an elector, and the revising barrister at once brush-
ed aside the objection, for that as an Indian, I was a
British citizen.

•CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 73

Reason IT. pledged rights.

The grant to the first East India Company cited in
Reason 1 is both a declaration of the rights of Indians as
British citizens as well as a pledge of those rights by that
declaration.

Queen Victoria, in her letter to Lord Derby asking
him to write the Proclamation himself, said : —

And point out the privileges which the Indians will receive
in being placed on an equality with the subjects of the British
Crown and prosperity flowing in the train of civilization.

Thereupon the Proclamation then declared and pledg-
ed unreservedly and most solemnly calling God to witness
and bless : —

We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian Terri-
tories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to our other
subjects, and these obligations by the blessing of Almighty God
we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil.

Can there be a more sacred and solemn pledge before
God and Man ?

On the occasion of the Proclamation of the Queen as
Empress of India, she sent a telegram to Lord Lytton
which he read in the open Durbar consisting of both
Princes and People. In this telegram the Queen Empress
said : —

That from the highest to the humblest all may feel that under
our rule, the great principles of liberty, equity and justice are
secured to them, and that to promote their happiness, to add to
their prosperity and advance their welfare are ever present aims
and objects of our Empire.

And it is clear that this object of promoting our hap-
piness &c., &c., can only be attained by our enjoyment of
the principles of liberty, equity and justice, i. e., we must
have the British liberty of governing ourselves.

74

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

On the occasion of the Jubilee of 1887, the Queen-
Empress again pledged and emphasised the pledges of the
Proclamation thus : —

Allusion is made to the Proclamation issued on the occasion
of my assumption of the direct government of India as the Chart-
er of the liberties of the Princes and People of India. It has
always been and will be continued to be my earnest desire that the
principles of that Proclamation should be unswervingly maintain*
ed.

We are now asking nothing more or less than the
liberties of our Charter,- -our rights of British citizenship..

The present King-Emperor has pledged : —

I shall endeavour to follow the great example of the first
Queen-Empress to work for the general well-being of my Indian
subjects of all ranks.

Again the King-Emperor in his speech on 19th Febru-
ary 1 906, said : —

It is my earnest hope that in these Colonies as elsewhere
throughout my dominions (the italics are mine) the grant of
free institutions will be followed by an increasing prosperity and
loyalty to the Empire.

And the Prime Minister clinches the whole that: —

Good government could never be a substitute for government
by the people themselves.

How much less is then an economically evil government
and constitutionally an unconstitutional despotic govern-
ment, a substitute for self-government, — and how much
absolutely necessary it is to produce “increasing prosperity
and loyalty to the Empire,” by “ the grant of free institu-
tions.”

With the solemn pledges I have mentioned above, we
have every right to claim an honourable fulfilment of all
our British pledged rights. And so we claim all British
rights as our birthright and as our solemnly pledged rights..
Britain’s duty, humanity, honour, instincts and tradition*

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 . 7 $

for freedom, solemn pledges, conscience, righteousness, and
civilization demand the satisfaction to us of our British
rights.

Reason hi, Reparation.

All our sufferings and evils of the past centuries^
demand before God and Man a reparation, which we may
fairly expect from the present revival of the old. noble
British instincts of liberty and self-government. I do not
enter into our past sufferings as I have already said at the
outset.

Reason iv, Conscience.

The British people would not allow themselves to be
subjected fora single day to such an unnatural system of
government as the one which has been imposed upon India
for nearly a century and a half. Sir H. Campbell-Banner-
man has made a happy quotation from Mr. Bright : —

I remember John Bright quoting in the House of Commons
on one occasion two lines of a poet with reference to political
matters : —

There is on Earth a yet diviner thing,

Veiled though it be, than Parliament or King.

Then Sir Henry asks : —

What is that diviner thing ? It is the human conscience in-
spiring human opinion and human sympathy.

I ask them to extend that human conscience, “the
diviner thing,,” to India in the wordsof Mr. Morley : —

It will be a bad day indeed if we have one conscience for the
Mother Country and another conscience for all that vast territory
over which your eye does not extend.

And now the next question is — What are the British
rights which we have a right to “claim?”

This is not the occasion to enter into any details or
argument. I keep to broad lines.

76

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

(1) . Just as the administration of the United King-
dom in all services, departments and details is in the
hands of the people themselves of that country, so should
we in India claim that the administration in all services,
departments and details should be in the hands of the
people themselves of India.

This is not only a matter of right and matter of the aspi-
rations of the educated — important enough as these matters
are — but it is far more an absolute necessity as the only
remedy for the great inevitable economic evil which Sir
John Shore pointed out a hundred and twenty years ago,
and which is the fundamental cause of the present drain
and poverty. The remedy is absolutely necessary for the
material, moral, intellectual, political, social, industrial and
every possible progress and welfare of the people of India.

(2) As in the United Kingdom and the Colonies all
taxation and legislation and the power of spending the
taxes are in the hands of the representatives of the people
of those countries, so should also be the rights of the people
of India.

(3.) All financial relations betw'een England and
India must be just and on a footing of equality i. e .,
whatever money India may find towards expenditure in
any department — Civil cr Military or Naval — to the ex-
tent of that share should Indians share in all the bene-
fits of that expenditure in salaries, pensions, emoluments,
materials, <foc., as a partner in the Empire, as she is alwa} 7 s
declared to be. We do not ask any favours. We want
only justice. Instead of going into any further divisions
or details of our rights as British citizens, the whole matter
can be comprised in one word — “ Self-government” or
Swaraj like that of the United Kingdom or the Colonies.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 77

Mr. Morley says very truly and emphatically (Ban-
quet, King’s Hall, Holborn, 4th June 1901) : —

But this I do say that political principles are after all, the
root of our national greatness, strength and hope.

So, for India also, there can bo no national greatness,
strength and hope except by the right political principles of
self-government.

Now the next important question is, whether it is
practicable to grant these rights of self-government at
once or when and in what way ? Nobody would, I think,
say that the whole present machinery can be suddenly
broken up at once and the rights which I have defined of
self-government can be at once introduced.

RIGHT No. I : EMPLOYMENT IN THE PUBLIC SEBVICeS.

The right of placing all administration in every de-
partment in the hands of the people of India. Has the
time arrived to do anything loyally, faithfully and syste-
matically as a beginning at once, so that it may automati-
cally develop into the full realisation of the right of self-
government ?

Isay, — yes. Not only has the time fully arrived,,
but had arrived long past, to make this beginning. The
statesmen of nearly three-quarters of a century ago not
only considered the point of making a beginning, not
merely made a pious declaration, but they actually passed
an Act of Parliament for the purpose. Had that Act
been honourably and faithfully fulfilled by the Govern-
ment from that time to this, both England and India
would have been in the position, not of bewailing tho
present poverty, wretchedness and dissatisfaction of the
Indian people, but of rejoicing in the prosperity of India
and of still greater prosperity of England herself.

78

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

In tlie thirties of the last century, England achieved
the highest glory of civilization by its emancipations of
the body and soul of man — by abolishing slavery and by
freedom of conscience to enjoy all the rights of British
citizenship. During these glorious days of English
history, the statesmen of the time did not forget their
duty to the people of India. They specially and openly
considered the question of self-government of India, not
only in connection with Britain, but even with the result
of entire independence from Britain. When the act of
1833 was passed Macaulay made that memorable speech
about the duty of Britain towards India of which Britain
shall for ever be proud. I cannot quote that whole speech
here. Every word of it is worth study and consideration
from the statesmen of the da)^. I shall give only a few
extracts. ITe first said :

“ I must say that, to the last day of my life, I shall be proud
of having been one of those who assisted in the framing of the
Bill which contains that Clause ” . . . “It would be on

the most selfish view of the case far better for us that the people
of India were well governed and independent of us than ill-govern-
ed and subject to us. ” . . . “We shall never consent to

administer the pousta (a preparation of opium) to a whole commu-
nity — to stupify and paralyse a great people, whom God has
committed to our charge, lor the wretched purpose of rendering
them more amenable to our control. ” . . “ We are free, we

are civilized, to little purpose, if we grudge to any portion of the
human race an equal measure of freedom and civilization. ”

“ I have no fears. The path of duty is plain before us
and it is also the path of wisdom, of national prosperity, of
national honour. To have found a great people

sunk in the lowest depths of slavery and superstition, to have so
ruled them as to have made them desirous and capable of all the
privileges of citizens, would, indeed, be a title to glory all our
own.”

Such was the glorious spirit in, and auspices under
which was enacted in Macaulay’s words “ that wise, that
benevolent, that noble clause

•CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 79

That no native of the said territory, nor any natural born
subject of His Majesty resident therein, shall by reason only of
his religion, place of birth, descent, colour or any of them, be
disabled from holding any place, office or employment under the
said company.

I would not repeat here what I have often stated
about this clause. Sufficient to say that simultaneous
examinations in India have been declared authoritatively
as the only honourable fulfilment of the clause.

Here is, then, the beginning that can be made at
once not as a new thing but as one fully considered and
settled by Act of Parliament 73 years ago. The power is
ready in the hands of the Secretary of State for India to
be put into execution at once without the necessity of any
reference to Parliament or any authority.

And, in connection with this step, I would earnestly
urge upon the Secretary of State to retrace the pernicious
step which has lately been taken in India of abolishing
competition for the services to which admission is made
directly in India. In England competition is the basis of
all first admissions in all the services and the same must
be the basis in India as the fairest and most in accordance
with justice.

This beginning will be the key, the most effective re-
medy for the chief economic and basic evil of the present
system.

Mr. Morley has truly said : —

But if you meddle wrongly with economic things, gentlemen,
be very sure you are then going to the very life, to the heart, to
the core of your national existence.

And sd the economic muddle of the existing policy is
going to the life, to the heart, to the core of our national
existence. A three-fold wrong is inflicted upon us i. e. f
of depriving us of wealth, work and wisdom, of everything,

80

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

in short/, worth living for. And this beginning will begin
to strike at the root of the muddle. The reform of the
alteration of the services from European to Indian is the
keynote of the whole.

On the score of efficiency also foreign service can
never be efficient or sufficient. Sir Yv^illiam Hunter has
said : —

If we are to govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply
we must govern by means of themselves.

The Duke of Devonshire, as Indian Secretary, has said
(23rd August 1883):

There can in my opinion be very little doubt that India is
insufficiently governed.

In the very nature of things it cannot be otherwise.

After the simultaneous examinations are carried cn for
some years, it will be time to transfer the examinations
altogether to India to complete the accomplishment of the
rights (No. 1) of self-government without any disturbance
in the smooth working of the administration.

Co-ordinately with this important beginning for
Right (No. 1) it is urgent to expedite this object that
education must be most vigorously 'disseminated among
the people — free a,nd compulsory primary education, and
free higher education of every kind. The Indian people
will hail with the greatest satisfaction any amount of ex-
penditure for the purpose of education. It was free educa-
tion that I had at the expense of the people that made me
and others of my fellow-students and subsequent fellow-
workers to give their best to the service of the people for
the promotion of their welfare.

Education on the one hand, and actual training in
administration on the other hand, will bring the accom-

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 8l

plishment of self-government far more speedily than many
imagine.

Heavy expenditure should be no excuse. In fact if
financial justice, to which I shall refer hereafter, is done in
the relations between England and India, there will be
ample provision even from the poor revenues of India —
and with every addition of Indians in place of Europeans,
the resources of India for all necessary purposes will go on
increasing.

RIGHT ’no. 2 : REPRESENTATION.

In England itself Parliamentary Government existed
for some hundreds of years before even the rich and
middle classes and the mass of the people had any voice or
vote in it.

Macaulay pointed out in 1831 that the people living
in the magnificent palaces surrounding Regent’s Park and
in other such places were unrepresented. It is only so
late as 1832 that the middle classes obtained their vote,
and it is only so late as 1885 that most of the mass of the
people obtained their franchise. Women have no vote.
Adult franchise is yet in struggle.

It is no use telling us, therefore, that a good beginning
cannot be made now in India for what Mr. Gladstone
called “ living representation.” The only thing needed is
the willingness of the Government. The statesmen at the
helm of the present Government are quite competent and
able to make a good beginning — such a systematic begin-
ning as that it may naturally in no long time develop itself
into full legislatures of self-government like those of the
self-governing colonies. I need not go into any details
here of the scope and possibilities of representation. The

6

82

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

educated and thinking classes in India who have attend-
ed English schools and colleges are not the only people
to be reckoned with. There is a large body who now are
informed of the events of the world and of all British
institutions by the vernacular press and literature in their
own language.

The peasants of Russia are fit for and obtained the
Duma from the greatest autocrat in the world, and the
leading statesman, the Prime Minister of the free British
Empire, proclaimed to the world “the Duma is dead,
long live the Duma ! ” Surely the fellow-citizens of that
statesman and the free citizens of that Empire by birth-
right and pledged rights are far more entitled to self-
government, a constitutional representative system, than
the peasants of Russia. I do not despair. It is futile to
tell me that we must wait till all tbe people are ready.
The British people did not so wait for their Parliament.
We are not allowed to be fit for 150 years. We can
never be fit till we actually undertake the work and the
responsibility. While China in the East and Persia in the
West of Asia are awakening and Japan has already awaken-
ed and Russia is struggling for emancipation — and all of
them despotisms — can the free citizens of the Britisli
Indian Empire continue to remain subject to despotism —
the people who were among the first civilizers of the
world ? Modern world owes no little gratitude to these
early civilizers of the human race. Are the descendants
of the earliest civilizers to remain, in the present times cf
spreading emancipation, under the barbarous system of
despotism, unworthy of British instincts, principles and
civilization ?

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 83

RIGI1T NO. 3 : JUST FINANCIAL RELATIONS.

This right requires no delay or training. If the
British Government wills to do what is just and right,
this justice towards self-government can be done at once.

First of all take the European Army expenditure.
The Government of India in its despatch of 25th March
1890 says: —

Millions of money have been spent on increasing the Army
in India, on armaments, and on fortifications to provide for the
security of India, not against domestic enemies or to prevent the
invasions of the warlike peoples of adjoining countries, but to
maintain the supremacy of British Power in the East.

Again the Government of India says : —

It Avould be much nearer the truth to affirm that the Imperial
Government keeps in India and quarters upon the revenues of that
country as large a portion of its army as it thinks can possibly
be required to maintain its dominion there, that it habitually
Treats that portion of its army as a reserve force available for
imperial purposes : that it has uniformly detached European
regiments from the garrison of India to take part in imperial wars
whenever it has been found necessary or convenient to do so ; and
more than this that it has drawn not less freely upon the native
army of India towards the maintenance of which it contributes
nothing to aid it in contests outside of India with which the
Indian Government has had little or no concern.

Such is the testimony of the Government of India
That the European Army is for Imperial purposes.

Now I give the view taken in the India Office itself.

Sir James Peile was a member of the Council of the
Secretary of State for India, and represented the Indian
Secretary on the Royal Commission (Welby’s) on Indian
expenditure. Sir James Peile, in a motion, after pointing
out that the military policy which regulated Indian
Military expenditure was not exclusively Indian, urged
that : —

It is worthy of consideration how far it is equitable to charge
•on a dependency the whole military cost of that policy, when that

84

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

dependency happens to be the only part of the Empire which has a
land frontier adjacent to the territory of a great European power-

Here then these extracts of the Government of India
and the India Office show that the European Army expen-
diture is entirely for British imperial purposes, and yet
with flagrant injustice the burden is thrown by the
Treasury upon the helpless Indian people.

In the same way all the Government expenditure in
England which entirely gof,s to the benefit of the people in
England, and which is for British purposes, is imposed on
the Indian people while the Colonies do not pay any por-
tion for similar expenditure in England. This expenditure
should in common justice not bo imposed on India. It is
unjust. Here then, if we are relieved of burdens which
ought not in common justice to be imposed upon us, our
revenues, poor as they are at present, will supply ample
means for education and many other reforms and improve-
ments which are needed by us. This question is simply a
matter of financial justice. I have put it on a clear just
principle and on that principle India can be quite ready to
find the money and its own men for all her own needs —
Military, Naval, Civil or any other. For imperial expendi-
ture we must have our share in the services in proportion
to our contribution.

These just financial relations can be established at
once. They require no delay or preparation. It only needs
the determination and will of the British Government to do
justice. Lastly as to self-government. If the British peo-
ple and statesmen make up their mind to do their duty
towards the Indian people they have every # ability and
statesmanship to devise means to accord self-government
within no distant time. If there is the will and the cons-
cience there is the way.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 85

Now 1 come to the most crucial question — particularly
crucial to myself personally.

I have been for some time past repeatedly asked whe-
ther I really have, after more than half a century of my
own personal experience, such confidence in the honour and
good faith of British statesmen and Government as to ex-
pect that our just claim to self-government as British citi-
zens will be willingly and gracefully accorded to us with
every honest effort in their power, leaving alone and for-
getting the past.

Ladies and gentlemen, I shall give you a full and free
answer.

In 1853 when I made my first little speech at the in-
auguration of the Bombay Association, in perfect innocence
of heart influenced by my English education into great
admiration for the character, instincts and struggles for
liberty of the British people, I expressed my faith and
confidence in the British Rulers in a short speech
from which I give a short extract : —

When we see that our Government is often ready to assist
us in everything calculated to benefit us, we had better than mere-
ly complain and grumble, point out in a becoming manner what
our real wants are.

And I also said :

If an association like this be always in readiness to ascer-
tain by strict enquiries the probable good, or bad effects of any
proposed measure and, whenever necessary, to memorialise Gov-
ernment on behalf of the people with respect to them, our kind
Government will not refuse to listen to such memorials.

Such was my faith. It was this faith of the educat-
ed of the time that made Sir Bartle Frere make the re-
mark which Mr. Fawcett quoted, viz., that he had been
much struck with the fact that the ablest exponents of
English policy and our best coadjutors in adapting that

86

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

policy to the wants of tlie various nations occupying India, n
soil were to be found among the natives who had received
a high-class English education. And now, owing to the
non-fulfilment of solemn pledges, what a change has taken
place in the mind of the educated !

Since my early efforts, I must say that I have felt so
many disappointments as would be sufficient to break any
heart and lead one to despair and even, I am afraid, to rebel.

My disappointments have not been of the ordinary
kind but far worse and keener. Ordinarily a person fights
— and if he fails he is disappointed. But I fought and won
on several occasions, but the executive did not let us have
the fruit of those victories — disappointments quite enough,
as I have said, to break one’s heart. For instance, the
tl Statutory” Civil Service, Simultaneous Examinations,
Lord Lawrence Scholarships, Royal Commission, &c. I am
thankful that the repayment from the treasury of some
unjust charges has been carried out, though the Indian
Secretary’s salary is not yet transferred to the Treasury as
it was hoped.

But I have not despaired. Not only that I have not
despaired, but at this moment, you may think it strange, I
stand before you with hopefulness. I have not despaired
for one reason — and I am hopeful for another reason.

I have not despaired under the influence of the good
English word wdiich has been the rule of my life. That
word is “ Persevere.” In any movement, great or small,
you must persevere to the end. You cannot stop at any
stage, disappointments notwithstanding, or you lose all you
have gained and find it far more difficult afterwards even
to begin again. As we proceed we may adopt such means

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 87

as may bs suitable at every stage, but persevere we must
to the end. If our cause is good and just, as it is, we are
sure to triumph in the end. So I have not despaired.

Now the reason of my hopefulness which I feel at
this moment after all my disappointments. And this also
under the influence of one word “Revival” — the present
“ revival” of the true old spirit and instinct of
liberty and free British institutions in the hearts
of ctlie leading statesmen of the day. I shall now
place before you the declarations of some of the leading
statesmen of the day and then you will judge that my
faith and hope are well-founded, whether they will be
justified or not by future events.

Here, I give you a few of those declarations — but I
give an Appendix A of some of these declarations out of
many.

SIR H. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN.

We believe in self-government. We treat it net as an
odious necessity, not as a foolish theory to which unfortunately
the British Empire is committed. We treat it as a blessing and
a healing, a sobering and a strengthening influence. (Bradford,
15-5-1901.)

I remain as firm a believer as ever I was, in the virtue of
self-government. (Ayr, 29-10-1902.)

But here is another — Self-government and popular control—
and we believe in that principle.

MR. JOHN MORLEY,

Yes, gentlemen, the sacred word ‘free’ which represented,
as Englishmen have always thought until to-day, the noblest
aspirations that can animate the breast of man,

(Palmerston Club, 9-6-1900.)

In his view the root of good government was not to be
found in bureaucracy or pedantoeraey. They must seek to rouse
up the free and spontaneous elements lying deep in the hearts and
minds of the people of the country.

(Arbroath, 23-10-1903.)

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

The study of the present revival of the spirit,
instincts and traditions of Liberty and Liberalism among
the Liberal statesmen of the day has produced in my
heart full expectation that the end of the evil system,
-and the dawn of a Righteous and Liberal policy of
freedom and self-government, are at hand for India.
I trust that I am justified in my expectations and hope-
ulness.

Ladies and gentlemen, we have all the powerful moral
forces of justice, righteousness and honour of Britain, but
our birthright and pledged rights and the absolute
necessity and humanity of ending quickly all the sufferings
of the masses of the people, from poverty, famine, plagues,
destitution and degradation &c. On our side if we use
those moral forces, which are very effective on a people
like the British people, we must, we are bound to, win*
What is wanted for us is to learn the lesson from English-
men themselves — to agitate most largely and most perse-
veringly, by petitions, demonstrations and meetings, all
quite peacefully but enthusiastically conducted. Let us
not throw away our rights and moral forces which are so
overwhelming on our side. I shall say something again
on this subject.

With such very hopeful and promising views and
declarations of some of the leaders of the present Govern-
ment, we have also coming to our side more and more
Parliament, Press and Platform. We have some 200
Members in the Indian Parliamentary Committee. The
Labour Members, the Irish Nationalist Members, and
the Radicals are sympathetic with us. We have several
Liberal papers such as “ The Daily News,” “ The Tribune,”
The Morning Leader,” “ The Manchester Guardian,”

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 89

u The Star,” “ The Daily Chronicle,” “ Justice,” “ Investors’
Review,” “ Reynolds,” “ New Age,” and several others
taking a j aster view of India’s rights and needs. We
must make “ India ” a powerful organ. We have all
sections of the Labour or Democratic Party, the British
Nationalist Party, the Radicals and Liberals generally
taking larger interest in Indian matters. The large sec-
tion of the British people to whom conscience and
righteousness are above every possible worldly thing, are
also awakening to a sense of their duty to the vast popula-
tion of India in their dire distress, and poverty, with all
its dreadful consequences. When I was in Parliament
and the only Indian, I had the support of the Irish,
Radical and Labour Members. I never felt helpless and
alone, and I succeeded in several of my efforts. We
must have many Indian Members in Parliament till we
get self-government. Under such favourable circum-
stances let us not fail to make the most of our opportunity
for our political emancipation. Let us, it is true, at the
same time do, what is in our power, to advance our Social
and Industrial progress. But for our political emancipa-
tion, it will be a great folly and misfortune for us to miss
this good fortune when it has at last come to us, though I
fully admit we had enough of disappointments to make us
lose heart and confidence.

I base my hope upon the “ revival ” of the old
British love of liberty and self-government, of honour for
pledges, cf our rights of fellow British citizenship. Within
the short life, that may yet be vouchsafed to me, I hope to
see a loyal, honest, honourable and conscientious adoption
of the policy for self-government for India — and a
beginning made at once towards that end.

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

I have now expressed to ) t ou my hopes and reason^
for such hopes for ourselves. But as the Moral Law, the
greatest force of the Universe, has it, — in our good will be
England’s own greatest good. Bright has wisely said : —

The good of England must come through the channels of the
good of India. ... In order that England may become rich,
India itself must become rich.”

Mr. Morley has rightly said : —

No, gentlemen, every single right thing that is done by the
Legislature, however moderate be its area, every single right thing
is sure to lead to the doing of a great number of unforeseen right
things. (Dundee, 9-12-1889.)

If India is allowed to be prosperous by self-govern-
ment, as the Colonies have become prosperous by self-
government, what a vista of glory and benefits open up
for the citizens of the British Empire, and for mankind,
as an example and proof of the supremacy of the moral
law and true civilization !

While we put the duty of leading us on to self-
government on the heads of the present British statesmen,
we have also the duty upon ourselves to do all we can to-
support those statesmen by, on the one hand, preparing
our Indian people for the right understanding, exercise
and enjoyment of self-government and on the other hand,
of convincing the British people that we justly claim and
must have all British rights. I put before the Congress
my suggestions for their considertion. To put the matter
in right form, we should send our “ Petition of Bights ”
to His Majesty the King-Emperor 1 , to the House cf
Commons and to the House of Lords. By the British
Bill of Bights of 1689 — by the 5th Clause — “ the subjects
have the right to present petitions to the Sovereign.”

The next thing I suggest for your consideration, is
that the well-to-do Indians should raise a large fiyid of

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 . 91

patriotism. With this fund we should organise a body
of able men and good speakers, to go to all the nooks and
corners of India and inform the people in their own
languages of our British rights and how to exercise and
enjoy them. Also to send to England another body of
able speakers, and to provide means to go throughout the
country and by large meetings to convince the British
people that we justly claim and must have all British
rights of self-government. By doing that I am sure that
the British conscience will triumph and the British people
will support the present statesmen, in their work of giving
India responsible self-government in the shortest possible
period. We must have a great agitation in England, as
well as here. The struggle against the Corn Laws cost, I
think, two millions and there was a great agitation. Let
us learn to help ourselves in the same way.

I have said at the beginning that the duties of this
Congress are two-fold. And of the two, the claim to a
change of the present policy leading to self-government is
the chief and most important work.

The second part of the work is the vigilant watch over
the inevitable and unnecessary defects of the present machi-
nery of the Administration as it exists and as long as it
exists. And as the fundamental principles of the present
Administration are unsound there are inherent evils, and
others are naturally ever arising from them. These the
Congress has to watch, and adopt means to remedy them,
as far as possible, till self-government is attained, though it
is only when self-government is attained that India will be
free from its present evils and consequent sufferings. This
part of the work the Congress has been doing very largely
during all the past twenty-one years and the Subjects-

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

committee will place before you various resolutions neces-
sary for the improvement of the existing administration,
as far as such unnatural and uneconomic administration
can be improved. I would not have troubled you more
but that I should like to say a few words upon some topics
connected with the second part of the work of the
Congress — Bengal Partition and Svjcicleshi movement.

In the Bengal Partition, the Bengalees have a just
and great grievance. It is a bad blunder for England. I
do not despair but that this blunder, I hope, may yet be
rectified. This subject is being so well threshed out by
the Bengalees themselves that I need not say anything
more about it. Butin connection with it we hear a
great deal about agitators and agitation. Agitation is the
life and soul of the whole political, social and industrial
history of England. It is by agitation the English have
accomplished their most glorious achievements, their pro-
sperity, their liberties and, in short, their first plane among
the rations of the world.

The whole life of England, every day, is all agitation.
You do not open your paper in the morning but read from
beginning to end it is all agitation — Congresses and Con-
ferences — Meetings and Resolutions — without end, for a
thousand and one movements local and national. From
the Prime Minister to the humblest politician, his occupa-
tion is agitation for everything he wants to accomplish.
The whole Parliament, Press and Platform is simply all
agitation. Agitation is the civilized, peaceful weapon of
moral force, and infinitely preferable to brute physical
force when possible. The subject is very tempting. But
I shall not say more than that the Indian journalists are
mere Matriculators while the Anglo-Indian journalists are

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 93

Masters of Arts in the University of British Agitators.
The former are only the pupils of the latter, and the Anglo-
Indian journalists ought to feel proud that their pupils are
doing credit to them. Perhaps a few words from an English
statesman will be more sedative and satisfactory.

Macaulay has said in one of his speeches : —

I hold that we have owed to agitation a long ‘series of bene-
ficent reforms which would have been effected in no other way . ..

. . . the truth is that agitation is inseparable from popular

government Would the slave-trade ever have been

abolished without agitation ? Would slavery ever have been
abolished without agitation ?

For every movement in England — hundreds, local and
national — the chief weapons are agitation by meetings,,
demonstrations and petitions to Parliament. These peti-
tions are not any begging for any favours any more than
that the conventional “ Your obedient servant” in letters
makes a man an obedient servant. It is the conventional
way of approaching higher authorities. The petitions are
claims for rights or for justice or for reforms, — to influence
and put pressure on Parliament by showing how the public
regard any particular matter. The fact that we have more
or less failed hitherto, is not because we have petitioned too
much but that we have petitioned too little. One of the
factors that carries weight in Parliament is the evidence
that the people interested in any question are really in
earnest. Only the other day Mr. Asquith urged as one
of his reasons against women's franchise, that he .did
not see sufficient evidence to show that the majority of
the women themselves were earnest to acquire the franchise.
We have not petitioned or agitated enough at all in our
demands. In every important matter we must petition
Parliament with hundreds and thousands of petitions—

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

94

with hundreds of thousands of signatures from all parts
of India. Taking one present instance in England, the
Church party has held till the beginning of October last
1,40(1 meetings known and many more unknown, against the
Education Bill aud petitioned with three-quarters of a
million signatures and many demonstrations. Since then
they have been possibly more and more active. Agitate,
agitate over the whole length and breadth of India in
■every nook and corner — peacefully of course — if we really
mean to get justice from John Bull. Satisfy him that we
are in earnest. The Bengalees, I am glad, have learnt the
lesson and have led the march. All India must learn the
lesson — cf sacrifice of money and of earnest personal
work.

Agitate ; agitate means inform. Inform, inform the
Indian people what their rights are and why and how they
should obtain them, and inform the British people of the
rights of the Indian people and why they should grant
them. If we do not speak, they say we are satisfied. If
we speak, we become agitators ! The Indian people are
properly asked to act constitutionally while the Govern-
ment remains unconstitutional and despotic.

Next about the “ settled fact.” Every Bill defeated
in Parliament is a “ settled fact.” Is it not ? And the next
year it makes its appearance again. The Education Act of
1902 was a settled JAct. An Act of Parliament, was it not ?
And now within a short time what a turmoil is it in ? And
what an agitation and excitement has been going on about it
and is still in prospect ! It may lead to a clash between
■the two Houses of Parliament. There is nothing as an eternal
“ settled fact.” Times change, circumstances are misunders-
tood or changed, better light and understanding or new

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 95

forces come into play, and what is settled to-day may become
obsolete to-morrow.

The organizations which I suggest, and which I may
call a band of political missionaries in all the Provinces,
will serve many purposes at once — to inform the people of
their rights as British citizens, to prepare them to claim
those rights by petitions and when the rights are obtained
to exercise and enjoy them.

“ Swadeshi ” is not a thing of to-day. It has existed
in Bombay as far as I know for many years past. I am a
freetrader, I am a member, and in the Executive Com-
mittee of the Cobden Club for 20 years, and yet I say that
tl Swadeshi” is a forced necessity for India in its unnatural
economic muddle. As long as the economic condition re-
mains unnatural and impoverishing, by the necessity of
supplying every year some Rs. 20,00,00,000 for the salary,
pensions, &c., of the children of a foreign country at the
expense and impoverishment of the children of India, to
talk of applying economic laws to the condition of India is
adding insult to in jur}^ . I have said so much about this
over and over again that I would not say more about it
here — I refer to my book. I ask any Englishman whether
Englishmen would submit to this unnatural economic
muddle of India for a single day in England, leave alone
150 years? No, never. No, Ladies and gentlemen, Eng-
land will never submit to it. It is, what I have already
quoted in Mr. Morley’s words, it is “ the meddling wrong-
ly with economic things that is going to the very life, to
the very heart, to the very core of our national existence”
(Vide Appendix B).

Among the duties which I have said are incumbent
^upon the Indians, there is one, which, though I mention

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

last, is not the least. I mean a thorough political union
among the Indian people of all creeds and classes. I make
an appeal to all — call it mendicant if you like — I am not
ashamed of being a mendicant in any good cause and
under necessity for any good cause. I appeal to the Indian
people for this, because it is in their own hands only just
as I appeal to the British people for things that are entire-
ly in their hands. In this appeal for a thorough union
for political purposes among all the people I make a parti-
cular one to my friends, the Mahomedans. They are a
manly people. They have been rulers both in and out of
India. They are rulers this day both in and out of India.
They have the highest Indian Prince ruling over the
largest Native State, viz., H. H. the Nizam. Among other
Mahcmedan Princes they have Junagad, Radhanpur r
Bhopal and others.

Notwithstanding their backward education, they have
tho pride of having had in all India the first Indian Bar-
rister in Mr. Budrudin Tyabji and first Solicitor in Mr.
Kamrudin Tyabji, two Mahomedan brothers.* What a
large share of Bombay commerce is in the hands of Maho-

* As regards the first Indian Barrister and the first Indian
Attorney, it appears that Mr. Dababhai. Naoroji was wrongly
informed. Of course, any community would be proud of two such
distinguished members as were the Tyabji brothers, both of whom
met with great success and attained the highest positions in their
respective professions, but they were not the first Indians to adopt
those professions. Mr. Budrudin Tyabji was called to the Bar
on the 30th April, 1867 and there were at least two or three Indian
Barristers before him. Mr. M. Ghose was called on the 6th June,
1866, and Mr. G. M. Tagore, who is believed to be the first Indian
Barrister, was called to the Bar on the 11th June, 1862, and
long before that, Babu Baney Madhub Banerjee became an Attorney
pf the Calcutta High Court and he was believed to have been the
first Indian Attorney, whereas Mr. Kamrudin Tyabji was a
contemporary of his other brother.

CON GltESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 97

medans is well-known. Their chief purpose and effort at
present must be to spread education among themselves.
In this matter among their best friends have been Sir Syed
Ahmed and Justice Tyabji in doing their utmost to promote
education among them. Once they bring themselves in
education in a line with the Hindus, they have nothing
to fear. They have in them the capacity, energy and
intellect, to hold their own and to get their due share in all
the walks of life — of which the State Services are but a small
part. Stats Services are not everything.

Whatever voice I can have I wish Government would
give every possible help to promote education among the
Mahomedans. Once self-government is attained then will
there be prosperity enough for all, but not till then. The
thorough union, therefore, of all the people for their emanci-
pation is an absolute necessity.

All the people in their political position are in one
boat. They must sink or swim together. Without this
union all efforts will be vain. There is the common say-
ing — but also the best commonsense — •“ United we stand — »
divided we fall.”

There is one other circumstance, I may mention
here. If I am right, I am under the impression that the
bulk of the Bengalee Mahomedans were Hindus by race
and blood, only a few generations ago. They have the tie
of blood and kinship. Even now a great mass of the Ben-
galee Mahomedans are not to be easily distinguished
from their Hindu brothers. In many places they join
together iu their social joys and sorrows. They cannot
divest themselves from the natural affinity of common
blood. On the Bombay side, the Hindus and Mahome-
dans of Gujarat all speak the same language, Gujarati
7

98

SPEECHES OF DABABHAI NAOROJI.

and are of the same stock, and all the Hindus and Maho-
medans of Maharastic Annan — -all speak the same lan-
guage, Marathi and are of the same stock — and so I think
it is all over India, excepting in North India where there
are the descendants of the original Mahomedan invaders,
but they are now also the people of India.

Sir Syed Ahmed was a nationalist to the backbone. I
will mention an incident that happened to myself with
him. On his first visit to England, we happened to meet
together in the house of Sir 0. Wingfield. He and his
friends were waiting and I was shown into the same room.
One of his friends recognising me introduced me to him.
As soon as he heard my name he at once held me in strong
embrace and expressed himself very much pleased. In
various ways, I knew that his heart was in the welfare of
all India as one nation. He was a large and liberal-minded
patriot. When I read his life some time ago I was inspir-
ed with respect and admiration for him. As I cannot find
my copy of his life I take the opportunity of repeating
some of his utterances which Sir Henry Cotton has given
in India of 12th October last.

“ Mahomedans and Hindus were,” he said, “ the two eyes of
India.” u Injure the one and you injure the other.” We should
try to become one in heart and soul and act in unison ; if united,
we can support each other, if not, the effect of one against the other
will tend to the destruction and downfall of both.”

He appreciated when he found worth and freely ex-
pressed it. He said : —

I assure you that the Bengalees are the only people in
our country whom we can properly be proud of, and it is only due
to them that knowledge, liberty and patriotism have progressed in
our country. I can truly say that they are really the head and
crown of ali the communities of Hindustan. In the word “ nation”
I include both Hindus and Mahomedans, because that is the only
meaning which I can attach to it.

CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 . 99

Such was the wise and patriotic counsel of that great
man and our Mahomedan friends will, I hope, take it to
heart. I repeat once more that our emancipation depends
upon the thorough union of all the people of India without
any obstruction.

I have often read about the question of a constitution
for the Congress. I think the gentlemen who raise
this question would be the proper persons to prepare one
like a Bill in the House of Commons in all its details. The
Congress then can consider it and deal with it as the
majority may decide.

Let every one of us do the best he can, do all in
harmony for the common object of self-government.

Lastly, the question of social reforms and industrial
progress — each of them needs its own earnest body of
workers. Each requires for it separate, devoted attention.
All the three great purposes — Political, Social and Indus-
trial — must be set working side by side. The progress in
each will have its influence on the others. But, as Mr.
Morley truly and with deep insight says : — “ Political
principles are, after all, the root of our national great-
ness, strength and hope,” and his other important utter-
ance which I repeat with this one sums up the whole
position of the Indian problem. He says: “ The meddling
wrongly with economic things, that is going to the very
life, to the very heart, to the veiy core of our national
existence.'”

This meddling wrongly with economic things is the
whole evil from which India suffers — and the only remedy
for it is — “ Political principles are, after all, the root of our
national greatness, strength and hope.” And these politi-
cal principles are summed up in self-government. Self-

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

government is the only and chief remedy. In self-govern-
ment lies our hope, strength and greatness.

I recommend to your serious notice the treatment of
British Indians in South Africa.

I give a small Appendix B of some facts and figures-
which I need not read now.

Well, ladies and gentlemen, I have finished my task.

I do not know what good fortune may be in store for me
during the short period that may be left to me, and if I
can leave a word of affection and devotion for my country
and countrymen, I say : be united, persevere, and achieve
self-government so that the millions now perishing by
poverty, famine and plague, and the scores of millions that
are starving on scanty subsistence may be saved and India
may once more occupy her proud position of yore among
the greatest and civilized nations of the World.”

Appointment of a Royal Commission.

\The following speech was delivered by Mr. Dadabhai
Naovnji at the First Congress held in Bombay. 1885.]

I had no thought of speaking on this resolution,*
but I see I must say something. There is a notion
running under some remarks, that if a Conservative
Government appoints a Committee, it will not be a
good one. I do not think there is any good reason
for that assumption. The Conservatives are not so
bad that they will never do a good thing, nor are the
Liberals so good that they never did a bad thing. In fact
we owe good to both, and we have nothing to do with them
yet as parties. We are thankful to either party that does
us good. The Proclamation is the gift of a Conservative
Government. I have some experience of a Parliamentary
Committee and that Committee, a Liberal one ; and yet
under the Chairmanship of a gentleman like Mr. Ayrton,
you cannot be sure of a fair hearing. On the other hand,
a fair-minded Chairman and similar members, be they
Conservatives or Liberals, would make a good Committee,
and give a fair inquiry. Much depends upon the Secretary
of State for India. If he is a fair-minded person and not
biassed in any particular way, you will have a fair Com-
mittee. If we are asking for a Parliamentary Committee ?
we need not be afraid of asking one from a Conservative

* Resolution . — That this Congress earnestly recommends that
"the promised inquiry into the working of the Indian Administra-
tion here and in England should be entrusted to a Royal Commis-
sion, the people of India being adequately represented thereon, and
evidence taken both in India and in England.

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

Government. A Secretary of State like Sir Stafford North-
cote (Lord Iddesleigh) will give a fair one, and we should
not assume that the present Secretary will not give a good
one. We should only desire that Anglo-Indians may not
be put in it, or only a few such in whom. Natives have
confidence. In such an inquiry Anglo-Indian officials are
on their trial, and they should not be allowed to sit in
judgment upon themselves.

From the remarks already made, there appears to be
an undecidedness, whether to ask for a Committee, or for
a Royal Commission. And there seems also a notion un-
derneath, that if we were not satisfied with the one we
could ask for the other. Now we must bear in mind that
it is not an easy thing to get a Parliamentary Committee
or a Royal Commission, and that you cannot have either
whenever you like. Do not suppose that if we have a Com-
mittee or a Commission and if we say we are dissatisfied
with its results, we would at once get another for the ask-
ing. We must make up our minds definitely as to what
we want and what would be the best thing for us. You
should not leave it open whether there should be a Com-
mittee or Commission. Whichever you want, say it out
once for all. In dealing with Englishmen, make up your
minds deliberately, speak clearly, and work perseveringly.
Then and then only can you hope to be listened to, and
get your wishes. You must not show that you do not
know your own mind. Therefore, know your own mind,,
and say clearly whether you desire a Parliamentary Com-
mittee, or a Ro} 7 al Commission. It is evidently the desire
here, that a full and impartial enquiry by fair and high-
minded English statesmen, with an adequate number of Na-
tives on the enquiring body, should be carried on in India

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES.

103

itself. If so, then we must remember that a Parliamentary
Committee can consist only of members of Parliament, and
can sit in the Parliament House only. For our purpose to
lay bare the actual conditions of India, an inquiry in India,
in all departments and in the whole condition of India —
material and moral — is absolutely necessary. Ho enquiry
in England, and that with the evidence of Anglo-Indians
chiefly — who themselves are on trial, and who would not
naturally condemn their own doings find work — can ever
bring out the truth about India’s true condition and wants
and necessary reforms. We, then irresistibly come to one
conclusion, that an enquiry in India itself is absolutely
necessary, and that such an enquiry can be conducted by
a Royal Commission. Only let us clearly say our mind
that we ask for a Royal Commission. Do not let there be
any doubt about what we do really want. If I am right
in interpreting your desire, then I say let there be no
vague general resolution, but say clearly and distinctly
that we require a Royal Commission.

: o :

Reform of Legislative Council.*

[The folloiving speech teas delivered by Mr. Dadabhai
Naoroji at the First Congress held in Bombay 188 o.\

I am glad my friends, the Hon'ble Mr. Telang and
the Hon’ble Mr. S. Iyer, have relieved me of much
trouble, as they have anticipated a deal of what I had to
say, which I need not repeat.

We asked for representation in the Legislative Coun-
cils of India. It is not for us to teach the English people
how necessar}' representation is for good government.
We have learnt the lesson from them, and knowing from
them how great a blessing it is to those nations who enjoy
it, and how utterly un-English it is for the English nation
to withhold it from us, we can, with confidence and trust,
ask them to give us this. I do not want to complain of
the past. It is past and gone. It cannot be said now
that the time is not come to give representation. Thanks
to our rulers themselves, we have now sufficiently advanced
to know the value of representation and to understand the
necessity that representation must go with taxation, that

* Resolution . — That this Congress considers the reform and
expansion of the Supreme and existing Legislative Councils, by the
admission of a considerable proportion of elected members (and
the creation of similar Councils for the North West Provinces and
Oudh, and also for the Punjab) essential; and holds that all Bud-
gets should be referred to those Councils for consideration, their
members being moreover empowered to interpellate the Executive
in regard to all branches of the administration ; and that a Stand-
ing Committee of the House of Commons should be constituted to
receive and consider any formal protests that may be recorded by
majorities of such Councils against the exercise by the Executive
of the powers, which would be vested in it, of overruling the deci-
sions of such majorities.

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES.

105

the taxed must have a voice in the taxation that is imposed
on them. We are British subjects, and I say we can demand
what we are entitled to and expect still at British hands
their greatest and most noble institution and heritage.
It is our inheritance also and we should not be kept out of
it. Why, if we are to be denied Britain’s best institutions,
what good is it to India to be under the British sway ?
It will be simply another Asiatic despotism. What makes
us proud to be British subjects, what attaches us to this
foreign rule with deeper loyalty than even our own past
Native rule, is the fact that Britain is the parent of free
and representative government, and, that we, as her sub-
jects and children, are entitled to inherit the great blessing
of freedom and representation. We claim the inheritance.
If not, we are not the British subjects which the Procla-
mation proclaims us to be — equal in rights and privileges
with the rest of Her Majesty’s subjects. We are only
British drudges or slaves. Let us persevere. Britain
would never be a slave and could not, in her very nature
and instinct, make a slave. Her greatest glory is freedom
and representation, and, as her subjects, we shall have
these blessed gifts.

Coming to the immediate and practical part of our
demand, I may say that it will be to Government itself
a great advantage and relief — advantage, inasmuch as it
will have the help of those who know the true wants of the
Natives, and in whom the Natives have confidence, and
relief so far that the responsibility of legislation will not
be upon the head of Government only, but upon that of
the representatives of the people also. And the people
will have to blame themselves if they fail to send the right
sort of men to represent themselves. I. think Govern-

108

SPEECHES. OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

ment has now reason rather to thank than repel us for
demanding this boon which, if granted, will, on the one
hand, make government easier and more effective, and, on
the other, attach the people to British rule more deeply
than before.

Our first reform should be to have the power to tax
ourselves. With that and another reform for which I
shall move hereafter, India will advance in material and
moral prosperity, and bless and benefit England. The
proposal about the right of interpellation is very import-
ant, — as important and useful to Government itself as to
the people. The very fact that questions will be put in
the Council, will prevent in a measure that evil which at
present is beyond Government’s reach to redress. Govern-
ment will be relieved of the odium and inconvenience^
which it at present suffers from misunderstanding and
want of opportunities of giving explanation. The British
Parliament and public, and the British Government in all
its departments, benefit largely by this power of putting
questions in Parliament, and the same will be the result
here. There will be, in the circumstances of India, one
essential difference between the British Parliament and
the Indian Legislative Councils. In Parliament, the
Government, if defeated, resigns, and the Opposition comes
into power. That cannot be done in India. Whether
defeated or not, Government will remain in power.
Moreover, the Secretary of State for India will have the
power to veto, and no harm can happen. If the Govern-
ment, either Provincial or Supreme, disregard the vote
against it, and if the Secretary of State support the disre-
garding Government, thete will be, as a last remedy, the-
Stanaing Committee of Parliament as the ultimate appellate-

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES.

107

body to decide on the point of disagreement ; and thus
Parliament will truly, and not merely nominally as at
present, become the final controlling authority.

We are British subjects and subjects of the same
gracious sovereign who has pledged her royal word that we
are to her as all her other subjects, and we have a right
to all British institutions. If we are true to ourselves,
and perseveringly ask what we desire, the British people
are the very people on earth who will give what is right
and just. From what has already been done in the past
we have ample reason to indulge in this belief. Let us
for the future equally rely on that character and instinct
of the British. They have taught us our wants and they
will supply them.

After some discussion, Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji said : —
Before the Hon’ble Mr. Telang replies, I may ask to be
allowed to say a few words. I may just explain what an
important thing this Standing Committee will be. During
the East India Company’s time, Parliament was entirely
independent of it. Parliament was then truly an effective
appellate body. It took up Indian questions quite freely
and judged fairly, without the circumstance of parties
ever interfering with its deliberations. If there was a
complaint against the Company, Parliament was free to
sit in judgment on it. What is the position since the
transfer of the government to the Crown ? The Secretary
of State for India is the Parliament. Every question in
which he is concerned becomes a Cabinet question. His
majority is at his back. This majority has no concern in
Indian matters further than to back the Government, i.e.
the Secretary of State for India. All appeals, therefore,

108

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

to Parliament against the Secretary of State become a
mere farce. M. P.s are utterly discouraged from their
inability to do any thing. And the Secretary of State
becomes the true Great Mogul of India— a despotic
monarch. His will is his law. Nor can the people of
India influence him, as their voice is not represented in
Parliament. Thus, that tribunal can scarcely exercise any
effectual check over his despotism. The present legislative
machinery, from the Local Councils upwards, is simply a
device to legalise despotism and give it the false mask of
constitutionalism. The tax-payers have no voice in the
imposition of the taxes they pay, and Parliament has not
the ability to prevent the levy of unfair or oppressive
taxation. The ultimate controlling authority seems helpless
to control anything. Now if we have complete represen-
tative legislation here, and if we have a Standing Commit-
tee in Parliament, we shall have both the voice of the
taxed on the one side and effectual control of Parliament
on the other. Such a Standing Committee will naturally
be independent of all parties. Its decision will be no
defeat of Government. It will be simply a final decision
on the point of difference that may have arisen between the
representatives of the people in India on the one hand, and
the Government on the other, on any particular question.
India will thus have an effectual parliamentary control.

It is said we should propose something as a substitute
for the present India office Council. The resolution now
before the Congress makes this unnecessary. The Council,
when it was established, was considered to be protective of
Indian interests. It has not proved so. When it suits
the Secretary of State, he screens himself behind that
Council. When it does not suit him, he flings the Council

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECPIES.

10 £

aside. We have no means of knowing what good at all is
done by the Council. Its irresponsibility and its secrecy
are fatal objections to its continuance. Such a thing in
Government of an empire of 200 millions of people and
under the British is an utter and an inexplicable anach-
ronism. Moreover, the majority of the Council consists
of Anglo-Indians. These, sitting in judgment on their
own hand work, naturally regard it as perfect. Having
left India years ago, they fail to realise the rapid changes
that are taking place here in our circumstances, lose
touch with us and offer resistance to all progress. Times
are now changed. The natives, I may sa} 7 , have come of
age. They can represent directly their wishes and views
to the Government here, and to the Secretary of State.
They do not require the aid of this Council at the India
Office for their so-called representation or protection.

I may here remark, that the chief work of this the
first National Congress of India is to enunciate clearly and
boldly our highest and ultimate wishes. Whether we get
them or not immediately, let our rulers know what our
highest aspirations are. And if we are true to ourselves*
the work of each delegate present here will be to make the
part of India where he happens to live devote itself earn-
estly to carrying out the objects resolved upon at this
Congress with all due deliberation. If, then, we lay down
clearly that we desire to have the actual government of
India transferred from England to India under the simple
controlling power of the Secretary of State, and of Parlia-
ment, through its Standing Committee, and that we further
desire that taxation and legislation shall be imposed here
by representative Councils, we say what we are aiming at.
And that under such an arrangement no Council tc advise

110 SPEECHES OF DADABBAI NAOROJI.

the Secretary of State is necessary. Neither is a Council
needed to attend to the appellate executive work. There
is a permanent Under-Secretary of State who will he able
to keep up continuity of knowledge and transact all cur-
rent business. There are, besides, Secretaries at the head
of the different, departments as experts. I do not deny
that at times the India Office Council has done good
service. But this was owing to the personality and
sympathy of individual men like Sir E. Perry. The con-
stitution of the body as a body is objectionable apd
anomalous. When the whole power of imposing taxation
and legislation is transferred here, the work of the Secre-
tary of State will be largely diminished. It will only be con-
fined to general supervision of important matters. Whatever
comes before him for disposal will be set forth by the
Government from here full 3^ and fairly in all its bearings.
No Council will be needed to aid him in forming his judg-
ment. Thus no substitute is required for the India
Office Council. It is enough for us to formulate the
scheme, now submitted for your consideration, as one
which India needs and desires, viz., representative Legis-
lative Councils in India, with full financial control and
interpellatory powers. And we shall not need to trouble
much the authorities in England.

: 0 :

£ >' . l .j i \ : ' • ; v . f , f

Simultaneous Examinations in England & India,

The Hon’ble Dadabhai Naoroji, in moving the
fourth Resolution*, said: — The Resolution which 1 am pro-
posing does not in any way involve the question whether the
distinction between the covenanted and uncovenanted ser-
vices should be abolished or not. That is a separate question
altogether, and in fact, if my resolution is adopted that
question will become unnecessary or very subordinate.
The resolution which I propose to you is of the utmost
possible importance to India. It is the most important
key to our material and moral advancement. All our
other political reforms will benefit us but very little indeed
if this reform of all reforms is not made. It is the
question of poverty or prosperity. It is the question of life
and death to India. It is the question of questions.
Fortunately, it is not necessary for me on this occasion to
go into all its merits, as I hope you are all already well

* “ That in the opinion of this Congress the Competitive
Examinations now held in England, for first appointments in vari-
ous Civil departments of the public service, should henceforth, in
accordance with the views of the India Office Committee of 1860,

‘ be held simultaneously, one in England and one in India, both
being as far as practicable identical in their nature, and those who
compete in both countries being finally classified in one list accord-
ing to merit,’ and that the successful candidates in India should be
sent to England for further study, and subjected there to such
further examinations as may seem needful. Further, that all other
first appointments (excluding peonships and the like) should be filled
by competitive examinations held in India, under conditions calcu-
lated to secure such intellectual, moral, and physical qualifications
as may be decided by Government to be necessary. Lastly, that
the maximum age of candidates for entrance into the Covenanted
Civil Service be raised to not less than 23 years.”

112

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

aware of my views and their reasons, or it would have been
very difficult for me to lay before you all I should have
had to say without speaking for hours. There is an addi-
tional good fortune for me that what I want to propose
was already proposed a quarter of a century ago by no less
an authority than a Committee of the India Office itself.
The report of this Committee gives the whole matter in a
nutshell from the point of view of justice, right, expedi-
ency and honest fulfilment of promises. And the reasons
given by it for the Covenanted Civil Service apply equally to
all the other services in the civil department. I do not
refer to the military service in this resolution, as that is a
matter requiring special consideration and treatment. To
make my remarks as brief as possible, as we are much
pressed for time, 1 shall first at once read to you the extract
from the report of the Committee consisting of Sir J. P.
Willoughby, Mr. Mangles, Mr. Arbuthnot, Mr. Macnaugh-
ten, and Sir Erskine Perry.

The report, dated 20th January 1860, says : —

“ 2. We are, in the first place, unanimously of opinion that
it is not only just but expedient that the Natives of India shall be
employed in the administration of India to as large an extent as
possible, consistently with the maintenance of British supremacy,,
and have considered whether any increased facilities can be given
in this direction.

“3. It is true that, even at present, no positive disqualifica-
tion exists. By Act 3 and 4, Wm. 4, C. 85, S. 87, it is enacted
“that no Native of the said territories, nor any natural born
subject of His Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of
his religion, place of birth, descent, colour or any of them, be
disabled from holding any place, office or employment under the
said Company.” It is obvious therefore that when the competi-
tive system was adopted it could not have been intended to exclude
Natives of India from the Civil Service of India.

“4. Practically, however, they are excluded. The law
declares them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to a Native
leaving India, and residing in England for a time, are so great, that

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES.

113

as a general rule, it is almost impossible for a Native success-
fully to compete at the periodical examination held in England.
Were this inequality removed, we should no longer be exposed to
the charge of keeping promise to the ear and breaking it to the
hope.

u 5. Two modes have been suggested by which the object in
view might be attained. The first is by allotting a certain portion
of the total number of appointments declared in each year to be
competed for in India by Natives and by other natural-born sub-
jects of Her Majesty’s residents in India. The second is, to hold
simultaneously two examinations, one in England and one in India,
both being, as far as practicable, identical in their nature, and
those who compete in both countries being finally classified in one
list according to merit by the Civil Service Commissioners. The
Committee have no hesitation in giving the preference to the
second scheme, as being the fairest, and the most in accordance
with the principles of a general competition for a common object.’

Now according to strict right and justice the
examination for services in India ought to take place in
India alone. The people of Australia, Canada and the
Cape do not go to England for their services. Why should
Indians be compelled to go to England to compete for the
services, unless it be England’s despotic will. But I am
content to propose the resolution according to the views of
the Committee for simultaneous examinations, both in
England and in India, and reasons that apply to the Civil
Service apply equally well to the other services in the
Civil Department, viz., Engineering, Medical, Telegraph,
Forest, and so on.

I may here remind you that in addition to the Act
of 1833 referred to by the Committee, we have the solemn
promises contained in the Proclamation of our gracious
Sovereign. The fact is told to us in unmistakable lan-
guage : —

“ We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian terri-
tories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our
other subjects ; and those obligations, by the blessing of Almighty
God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil,”

8

114

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

And then they declared her gracious promise speci-
fically on this very part of the services : —

‘‘ And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our subjects
of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially admitted to
offices in our service, the duties of which they may be qualified, by
their education, ability and integrity, duly to discharge.”

This gracious proclamation and the promises contain-
ed therein were made known in 1858. And the India Office
Committee showed, inl860, in what way these promises could
be fulfilled, so as to relieve the English nation from “ the
charge of keeping promise to the ear and breaking it to
the hope.” With the Act of Parliament of 1833, the
solemn promises of 1858, of our Sovereign before God and
man, and the declaration by the India Office of the mode
of fulfilling those promises in 1860, it is hardly necessary
for me to say more. Our case for the resolution proposed
by me is complete. As a matter of justice, solemn pro-
mises and even expediency, I would have ended my
speech here, but my object in proposing this resolution
rests upon a far higher and a most important conside-
ration. The question of the extreme poverty of India
is now no more a controversial , point. Viceroys and
Finance Ministers have admitted it. The last official
declaration by Sir E. Baring is complete and unequivocal.
In his budget speech of 18th March 1882 he said : — -

It has been calculated that the average , income per head of
population in India is not more than Rs.27 a year; and though
I am not prepared to pledge myself to the absolute accuracy of a
calculation of this sort, it is sufficiently accurate to justify the
conclusion that the taxpaying community is exceedingly poor.
To derive any very large increase of revenue from so poor a popu-
lation as this is obviously impossible, and, if it were possible,
would be unjustifiable.”

Again, in the discussion on the budget, after repeat-
ing the above statement regarding the income of Rs.27
per head per annum, he said : —

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES.

M5

“ But he thought it was quite sufficient to show the extreme
poverty of the mass of the people. In England the average incomq
per head of population was £33 per head ; in France it was £23 j
in Turkey, which was the poorest country in Europe, it was £4
per head. He would ask Honorable members to think what
Its. 27 per annum was to support a person, and then he would aslv
whether a few annas was nothing to such poor people.”

With this emphatic and clear opinion before you, I
need not say more. The question is what is the cause of
this poverty ? I have shown in my papers on the poverty
of India, and in my correspondence with the Secretary of
State for India, that the sole cause of this extreme poverty
and wretchedness cf the mass of the people is the in-
ordinate employment of foreign agency in the govern-
ment of the country and the consequent material loss to
and drain from the country. I request those who have
not already seen these papers to read them 1 , for it is
utterly impossible for me to go through the whole argu-
ment here. It will be, therefore, now clear to you that
the employment of Native agency is not merely a matter
of justice and expediency, according to the views of the
India Office Committee, but a most absolute necessity for
the poor, suffering, and starving millions of India. It is
a question of life and death to the country. The present
English rule is no doubt the greatest blessing India, has
ever had, but this one evil of it nullifies completely
all the good it has achieved. Remove but this one evil,
and India will be blessed in every way and will be a
blessing to England also in every way. The commerce
between England and India will increase so that England
will then be able to benefit herself ten times more by
India’s prosperity than what she does now. There will
be none of the constant struggle that is at present , to be
witnessed between the rulers and the ruled— the one

116

SPEECHES OF DADABHM NAOROJI.

screwing out more and more taxes, like squeezing a squeezed
orange — inflicting suffering and distress, and the other
always crying itself hoarse about its inability to provide
them owing to extreme poverty. By the removal of the
evil — India will be able not merely to supply a revenue
of £70,000,000, but £170,000,000, with ease and com-
fort. England takes over 50 shillings a head for her
revenue, why may not India under the same rule be able
to take even 20 a head ? Indians would easily pay
£200,000.000. I, should stop now. I hope you will see
that this resolution is of the greatest possible importance
to India, and I implore every one of you present here
to-day to strain every nerve and work perseveringly in
your respective localities to attain this object. With
regard to the second part of the resolution, the unccve-
nanted services, the same reasoning and necessity apply.
A fair sj stem of competition, testing all necessary qualifi-
cations — mental, moral and physical — will be the most
suitable mode of supplying the services with the best and
most eligible servants, and relieve Government of all the
pressure of back door and private influences, and jobbery.

The subject of the age of candidates for the Civil
Service examination needs no lengthened remarks from
me. It has been only lately thrashed out, and it has been
established beyond all doubt that the higher age will
give you a superior class of men, whether English or
Native. I conclude, therefore, with the earnest exhor-
tation that you will all apply yourselves vigorously to
free poor India from the great evil of the drain on her
resources.

If the British will once understand our true condi-
tion, their conscientious desire to rule India for India’s

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES:

117

and humanity’s good, will never allow the evil to continue
any longer. Lastly, I hope and trust that our rulers will
receive our representations in their proper spirit. We
sincerely believe that the good we propose for ourselves
is also a good for them. Whatever good they will do to
us cannot but in the very nature of things be good to
them also. The better we are in material and moral
prosperity, the more grateful, attached and loyal we shall
be the worse we are, the less our gratitude and loyalty
shall naturally be. The more prosperous we are, the
larger shall be their custom ; the worse we are, the condi-
tion will be the reverse. The question of our prosperity
is as much the question of the prosperity of England and
her working man. England’s trade would be enriched by
,£250,000,000, if with our prosperity each unit of the
Indian population is ever able to buy from England goods
worth only £1 per annum. What is wanted is the fruc-
tification in our own pocket of our annual produce. I
repeat that it is my hope and trust that our rulers may
receive our players in their right spirit and do us all the
good in their power, for it will redound to their good
name, honour and everlasting glory. Let us have the
Royal Proclamation fulfilled in its true spirit and integrity
and both England and India will be benefited and
blessed.

With these observations I beg to propose the Fourth
Resolution.

The Hon’ble Dadabhai Naorcji, in reply to the dis-
cussion, said : — I am glad I have not much to reply to.
The appreciation of the importance of the resolution is
clear. My remarks will be more as explanations of a few
matters. .1 had much to do with the passing of' the clause

118

SPEECHES: OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

for granting to ns the Statutory' Civil Service. It is an
important concession, and we have to be very grateful
for it. I need not here go into its history. The states-
men in England who gave us this were sincere and
explicit in the matter. Whatever complaint we have, it
is with the authorities here. First of all, after the clause-
was passed, the Government of India entirely ignored it_
and did nothing to give it effect for 6 years ! It was only
when pressure was applied to it from England, into the
details of which this is not the time or place for me to-
enter, that the necessary rules were at last prepared and
published. These rules have been so drafted that they
may be carried out in a way to bring discredit on the
Service. And whether this is done intentionally or not,
whether the subsequent objectionable action upon it was
also intentional or not, I cannot say. But the most
important element in the carrying out of this clause was
partially or wholly ignored, and that has been the real
cause of its so-called failure,— I mean educational compe-
tence, ascertained either by suitable competition, or proved
ability, was, an absolutely indispensable condition for
admitting candidates to this service. It is just this
essential condition that has been several times ignored or
forgotten. Let therefore your efforts be devoted strenuously
not against the clause itself, but against the objectionable
mode in which the nominations are made. The Bengal
Government has moved in a satisfactory direction, and
its example should be followed by all the Governments. It
ivill be the height of folly on our part to wish the abolition
of this Statutory Civil Service — rexcepting only when simul-
taneous examinations are held in England and India giving-
a fair field to all, as proposed in the present resolution:

FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES.

119

In this fair competition, Eurasians, or domiciled English-
men, in fact all subjects of Her Imperial Majesty, will
have equal justice. I understand that the Eurasians and
domiciled Anglo-Indians come under the definition of what
is called “ Statutory Natives.” It is only right that those
whose country is India should be considered as Natives, and
should enjoy all the rights and privileges of Natives.
United action between the Natives and Eurasians and
domiciled Anglo-Indians will be good for all. What is
objectionable is, that / Eurasians and domiciled Anglo-.
Indians blow hot and cold at the same time. At one mo-
ment they claim to be Natives, and at another they spurn
the Natives and claim to be Englishmen ! Common sense
must tell them that this is an absurd position to take up
and must ultimately do then: more harm than good. I
desired that there should be cordial union between all
whose country is, or who make their country, India. One
of the speakers remarked that the employment of
Natives will be economical. This is a point which I am
afraid is not clearly understood. The fact is that the
employment of a Native is not only economy, but
complete gain to the whole extent of his salary. When a
European is employed, he displaces a Native whom nature
intended to fill the place. The native coming in his place
is natural. Every pie he eats is therefore a gain to the
country, and every pie he saves is so much saved to the
country for the use of all its children. Every pie paid to
a foreigner is a complete material loss to the country.
Every pie paid to a Native is a complete material saving.
to the country. In fact, as I have already endeavoured to
impress upon you as earnestly as possible, it is the whole
question of the poverty or prosperity of the country.

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOIiOJI.

We should of course pay a reasonable price for English
rule, so that we may have the highest power of control and
supervision in English hands, but beyond that is simply
to ruin India and not such a benefit to England as she
would otherwise have, were India a prosperous country.
Our friend there expressed some doubt about the necessity
of going to England. I say without the least hesitation
that the candidate himself as well as the service will be
vastly benefited by a visit to England. The atmosphere
of freedom and high civilization which he will breathe
will make him an altered man — in character, in intelli-
gence, in experience, in self-respect and in appreciation of
due respect for others. In short, he will largely increase
his fitness and command more respect in his responsible
service. I mean, of course, in the resolution that the
expenses of such visits to England by the candidates who
have successfully passed the different examinations for the
different services in India, should be paid from the public
revenue. It may be made clear in the resolution, by
adding “ at the public expense.”

I conclude with my most anxious and earnest exhor-
tation to this Congress, and to every individual member of
it, that they should perse veringly strain every nerve to
secure the all important object of this resolution as early
as possible. Once this foreign drain, this “ bleeding to
death,” is stopped, India will be capable, by reason of its
land, labour and its vast resources to become as prosperous
as England, with benefit to England also ard to mankind,
and with eternal glory to the English name and nation.

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Maiden Speech.

\_0n the 9th August 1892 , Mr. Ncioroji made his
maiden speech in the House of Commons , during the debate
on the Address to the Queenh\

It may be considered rather rash and unwise on my
part to stand before this House so immediately after my
admission here : and my only excuse is that I am under
a certain necessity to do so. My election for an English
constituency is a unique event. For the first time dur-
ing more than a century of settled British rule, an Indian
is admitted into the House as a member for an English
constituency. That, as I have said, is a unique event in
the history of India, and, I may also venture to say, in
the history of the British Empire. I desire to say a few
words in analysis of this great and wonderful phenome-
non. The spirit of the British rule, the instinct of Bri-
tish justice and generosity, from the very commence-
ment, when they seriously took the matter of Indian policy
into their hands, about the beginning of this century,
decided that India was to be governed on the lines of
British freedom and justice. Steps were taken without
uny hesitation to introduce Western education, civili-
sation, arid political institutions in that country ; and the
result was that, aided by a noble and grand language in
which the youth of that country began to be educated, a
great movement of political life — I may say new life — -
was infused into that country which had been decaying
for centuries. The British rulers of the country endowed
It with all their own most important privileges. A few

122

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

days ago, Sir, you demanded from the Throne the privi-
leges which belong to the people, including freedom of
speech, for which they fought and shed their blood. That
freedom of speech you have given to us, and it enables
Indians to stand before you and represent in clear and
open language any desire they have felt. By conferring
those privileges you have prepared for this final result of
an Indian standing before you in this House, becoming
a member of the great Imperial Parliament of the Bri-
tish Empire, and being able to express his views openly
and fearlessly before you. The glory and credit of this
great event— by which India is thrilled from one end to
the other — of the new life, the joy, the ecstacy of India at
the present moment, are all your own ; it is the spirit of Bri-
tish institutions and the love of justice and freedom in
British instincts which has produced this extraordinary
result, and I stand here in the name of India to thank
the British people that they have made it at all possible
for an Indian to occupy this position, and to speak freely
in the English language of any grievance which India
may be suffering under, with the conviction that though
he stands alone, with only one vote, whenever he is able to
bring forward any aspiration and is supported by just and
proper reasons, he will find a large number of other mem-
bers from both sides of the House ready to support him
and give him the justice he asks. This is the conviction
which permeates the whole thinking and educated classes
of India. It is that conviction that enables us to work
on, day after day, without dismay, for the removal of a
grievance. The question now being discussed before the
House will come up from time to time in practical shape-
and I shall then be able to express my humble views upon

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

12a

them as a representative of the English constituency of
Central Finsbury. 1 do not intend to enter into them
now. Central Finsbury has earned the everlasting grati-
tude of the millions of India, and has made itself famous
in the History of the British Empire, by electing an
Indian to represent it. Its name will never be forgotten
by India. This event has strengthened the British power
and the loyalty and attachment of India to it ten times
more than the sending but of one hundred thousand
European soldiers would have done. The moral force
to which the right honourable gentleman, the member for*
Midlothian (Mr. W. E. Gladstone), referred is the golden
link by which India is held by the British power. So
long as India is satisfied with the justice and honour of
Britain, so long will her Indian Empire last, and I have
not the least doubt that, though our progress may be slow
and we may at times meet with disappointments, if we
persevere, whatever justice we ask in reason we shall get.
I thank you, Sir, for allowing me to say these few words
and the House for so indulgently listening to me, and I
hope that the connection between England and India —
which forms five-sixths of the British Empire — may conti-
nue long with benefit to both countries. There will be
Certain Indian questions, principally of administration,
which I shall have to lay before the House, and I am quite
sure that when they are brought forward they will be
fairly considered, and if reasonable, amended to our satis-
faction.

. o

AN INQUIRY INTO THE CONDITION OF INDIA.

AMENDMENT FOR A FULL AND INDEPENDENT
PARLIAMENTARY ENQUIRY.

■ ■> • * » .

August lJfth , 189Jf..

Mr. Naoroji (Finsbury, Central) said he undertook
now to second this Resolution, and before going into the
subject of the different parts of which it consisted he would
say a few preliminary words. The Government of India
distinctly admitted and knew very well that the educated
people of India were thoroughly loyal. The hon. Member
•of Kingston (Sir R. Temple) had stated that the state of
the country and of the people often invited or demanded
•criticism on the part of the Natives. It was in every way
desirable that their sentiments and opinions should be
made known to the ruling classes, and such outspoken
frankness should never be mistaken for disloyalty or dis-
affection. Nothing was nearer to his (Mr. Naoroji’s) mind
than to make the fullest acknowledgment offall the good
that had been done by the connexion of the British people
with India. They had no complaint against the British
people and Parliament. They had from them everything
they could desire. It was against the system adopted by
the British Indian authorities in the last century and
maintained up till now, though much modified, that they
protested. The first point in the Motion was the condition
of the people of India. In order to understand fully the
present condition of the people of India, it was necessary
to have a sort of sketch of the past, and he would give it

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

125

as briefly as possible. In the last century the Adminis-
tration was everything that should not be desired. He-
would give a few extracts from letters of the Court of
Directors and the Bengal Government. In one of the
letters the Directors said (8th of February, 1764) : —

“Your deliberations on the inland trade have laid open to us a
scene of most cruel oppression ; the poor of the country, who used
always to deal in salt, beetlenut, and tobacco, are now deprived of
their daily bread by the trade of the Europeans.”

Lord Clive wrote (17th of April, 1765): —

“The confusion we behold, what does it arise from ? — rapacity
and luxury, the unwarrantable desire of many to acquire in an in-
stant what only a few can or ought to possess.”

Another letter of Lord Clive to the Court of Directors
said (30th of September, 1765): —

“ It is no wonder that the lust of riches should readily embrace
the proffered means of its gratification, or that the instruments of
your power should avail themselves of their authority and proceed
even to extortion in those cases where simple corruption could not
keep pace with their rapacity. Examples of this sort set by super-
iors could not fail of being followed in a proportionate degree by
inferiors ; the evil was contagious, and spread among the civil and
military down to the writer, the ensign, and the free merchant.'’

He would read one more extract from a letter of the
Court of Directors (17th of May, 1766); —

“We must add that we think the vast fortunes acquired in the
inland trade have been obtained by a scene of the most tyrannic
and oppressive conduct that ever was known in any age or
country.”

Macaulay had summed up : —

“ A war of Bengalees against Englishmen was like a war of

sheep against wolves, of men against demons The business

of a servant of the Company was simply to wring out of the Na-
tives a hundred or tw r o hundred thousand pounds as speedily as
possible.”

Such was the character of the Government and the
Administration in the last century; when all this was
disclosed by the Committee of 1772, of course, a change was

126

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOJROJI.

made, and a change for the better, lie Would now give
the opinion of Anglo-Indian and English statesmen, and
the House would observe that he did not say a single word
as to what the Indians thenrselves said. He put his case
before the House in the words of Anglo-Indian and Eng-
lish statesmen alone ; some of them had expressed great
indignation with usual British feeling against wrong-doing,
others had expressed themselves much more moderately;
Sir John Shore was the first person Who gave a clear
prophetic forecast of the character of this system and its
effects as early as 1787. He then said (Ret. 377 of
1812):—

“ Whatever allowance we may make for the increased industry
•of the subjects of the State, owing to the enhanced demand for
the produce of it (supposing the demand to be enhanced), there
is reason to conclude that the benefits are more than counter-
balanced by evils inseparable from the system of a remote foreign
•dominion.”

The words were true to the present day. In 1790
Lord Cornwallis said, in a Minute, that the heavy drain of
wealth by the Company, with the addition of remittances
of private fortunes, was severely felt" in the languor thrown
upon the cultivation and commerce’ of the country. In
1823 Sir Thomas Munro pointed out that were Britain
subjugated by a foreign Power, and the people excluded
from the government of their country, all their knowledge
and all their literature, sacred and profane, would not save
them from becoming in a generation or two a low-minded,
deceitful, and dishonest race. Ludlow, in his British
India, said : —

“As respects the general condition of the country, let us first
recollect what Sir Thomas Munro wrote years ago, 1 that even if
we could be secured against every internal commotion and could
retain the country quietly in subjection, he doubted much if the
condition of the people would be better than under the Native

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

127

Princes’ : that the inhabitants of the British Provinces were
4 certainly the most abject race in India ’ ; that the consequences
of the conquest of India by the British arms would be, in place of
raising, to debase the whole people.”

Macaulay, in introducing the clause of our equality
with all British subjects, our first Charter of our emancip-
ation in the Bill of 1833, said in his famous and statesman-
like speech : —

“ That would, indeed, be a doting wisdom which, in order that
India may remain a dependency .... which would keep a
hundred millions of men from being our customers in order that
they might continue to be our slaves.”

And, to illustrate the character of the existing system,
he said

u It was, as Bernier tells us, the practice of the miserable
tyrants Avhom he found in India, when they dreaded the capacity
and spirit of some distinguished subject, and yet could not venture
to murder him, to administer to him a daily dose of the pousta, a.
preparation of opium, the effect of which was in a few months to
destroy all the bodily and mental' powers of the wretch who was
drugged with it, and to turn him into a helpless idiot. This detes-
table artifice, more horrible than assassination itself, was worthy
of those who employed it. It is no model for the English nation.
We shall never consent to administer the pousta to a whole com-
munity — to stupify and paralyse a great people whom God has
committed to our charge — for the wretched purpose of rendering
them more amenable to our control.”

In a speech (19th of February, 1844; he said r

Of all forms of tyranny I believe that the worst is that of a
nation over a natiop.” <

Lord Lansdowne, in introducing the same clause of the'
Bill of 1833 into the House of Lords, pointed out that
he should be taking a very narrow view of this question,;
and one utterly inadequate to the great importance of tlia
subject, which involved in it the happiness or misery of
100,000,000 of human beings, were he not to call the
attention of their Lordships to the bearing which this
question, and to the iniluence which this arrangement
ninst e^eicise upon the future destinies of that vast nrass^

128

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOEOJ1.

of people. With such high sense of statesmanship and
responsibility did Lord Lansdowne of 1833 break our
chains. The Indian authorities, however, never allowed
those broken chains to fall from our body, and the grand-
son — the Lord Lansdowne of 1893 — now ri vetted back
those chains upon us. Look upon this picture and upon
that ! And the Indians were now just the same British
slaves, instead of British subjects, ns they were before-
their emancipation in 1833. Mr. Montgomery Martin,,
after examining the records of a survey of the condition
of the people of some Provinces of Bengal or Behar, which
had been made for nine years from 1807-16, concluded : —
“ It is impossible to avoid remarking two facts as peculiarly
striking : First, the richness of the country surveyed ; and r
second, the poverty of its inhabitants.”

He gave the reason for these striking facts. He
said : —

“ The annual drain of £3,000,000 on British India has amoun-
ted in 30 years at 12 per cent, (the usual Indian rate) compound
interest to the enormous sum of £723,900,000 sterling. So con-
stant and accumulating a drain, even in England, would soon im-
poverish her. How severe, then, must be its effects in India
where the wage of a labourer is from 2d. to 3d. a day.”

The drain at present was seven times, if not ten
times, as much. Mr. Frederick Shore, of the Bengal
Civil Service, said, in 1837 : —

“ But the halcyon-days of India are over. She has been
drained of a large proportion of the wealth she onc-e possessed,
and her energies have been cramped by a sordid system of misrule
to which the interests of millions have been sacrificed for the
benefit of the few. The fundamental principle of the English had
been to make the whole Indian nation subservient in every possible
way to the interests and benefits of themselves.”

And he summarised thus

“ The summary was that the British Indian Government had
been practically one of the most extortionate and oppressive that
ever existed in India. Some acknowledged this, and observed that

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

129

it was the unavoidable result of a foreign yoke. That this was
correct regarding a Government conducted on the principles which
had hitherto actuated us was too lamentably true, but, had the
welfare of the people been our object, a very different course would
have been adopted, and very different results would have followed.
For again and again I repeat that there was nothing in the circum-
stances itself of our being foreigners of different colour and faith
that should occasion the people to hate us. We might thank our-
selves for having made their feelings towards us what they were.
Had we acted on a more liberal plan we should have fixed our
authority on a much more solid foundation.”

After giving some more similar^ authorities, Sir R.
Temple and others, the bon. gentleman proceeded : Mr.
Bright, speaking in the House of Commons in 1858,
said : —

“ We must in future have India governed, not for a handful of
Englishmen, not for that Civil Service whose praises are so con-
stantly sounded in this House. You may govern India, if you like,
for the good of England, but the good of England must come
through the channels of the good of India. There are but two
modes of gaining anything by our connexion with India — the one is
by plundering the people of India, and the other by trading with
them. I prefer to do it by trading with them. But in order that
England may become rich by trading with India, India itself must
become rich.

Sir George Wingate, with his intimate acquaintance
with the condition of the people of India, as the introducer
of the Bombay land survey system, pointed out, with
reference to the economic effects upon the condition of
India, that taxes spent in the country from which they
were raised were totally different in their effect from taxes
raised in one coup. try and spent in another. In the
former case the taxes collected from the population were
again returned to the industrial classes ; but the case was
wholly different when taxes were not spent in the country
from which they were raised, as they constituted an abso-
lute loss and extinction of the whole amount withdrawn
from the taxed country ; and he said, further, that such
9

130

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

was the nature of the tribute the British had so long
exacted from India — and that with this explanation some
faint conception may be formed of the cruel, crushing
effect of the tribute upon India — that this tribute, whether
weighed in the scales of Justice or viewed in the light of
the British interests, would be found to be at variance
with humanity, with common sense, and with the received
maxim of economical science. Mr. Fawcett quoted Lord
Metcalf (5th May, 1868), that the bane of the British-
Indian system was, that the advantages were reaped by one
class and the work was done by another. This havoc was
going on increasing up to the present day. Lord Salis-
bury, in a Minute [Bet. c. 3086-1 of 1881], pointed out
that the injury was exaggerated in the case of India,
where so much of the revenue was exported without a
direct equivalent — that as India must be bled, the lancet
should be directed to the parts where the blood was con-
gested or at least sufficient, not to the rural districts which
were already feeble from the want of blood. This bleed-
ing of India must cease. Lord Hartington, the Duke of
Devonshire, declared (23rd August 1883) that India was
insufficiently governed, and that if it was to be better
governed, that could only be done by the employment of
the best and most intelligent of the Natives in the Service
and he further advised that it was not wise to drive the
people to think that their only hope lay in getting rid of
their English rulers. Lastly, with regard to the present
condition of India, and even serious danger to British
power, a remarkable confirmation was given, after a
hundred years, to Sir John Shore's prophecy of 1787, by
the Secretary of State for India in 1886. A letter of the
India Office to the Treasury said (Ret. c. 4868 of 1886) : —

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

131

“ Their position of India in relation to taxation and the source
of the public revenue is very peculiar, not merely from the habits
of the people and their strong aversion to change, which is more
specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, but likewise from the
character of the government, which is in the hands of foreigners,
who hold the principal administrative offices and form so large a
party of the Army. The impatience of the new taxation which will
have to be borne wholly as a consequence of the foreign rule
imposed on the country and virtually to meet additions to charges
arising outside of the country, would constitute a political danger
the real magnitude of which, it is to be feared, is not at all appre-
ciated by persons who have no knowledge of or concern in the
government of India, but which those responsible for that govern-
ment have long regarded as of the most serious order.”

To sum up — as to the material condition of India —
the main features in the last century were gross corruption
and oppression by the Europeans ; in the present century,
high salaries and the heavy weight of European services —
their economic condition. Therefore, there was no such
thing as finance of India. No financier ever could make
a real healthy finance of India, unless be could make two and
two equal to six. The most essential condition was wanting.
Taxes must be administered by and disbursed to those who
paid. That did not exist. From the taxes raised every
year a large portion was eaten up and carried away from
the country by others than the people of British India.
The finances of that country were simply inexplicable,
and could not be carried out ; if the extracts he had read
meant anything, they meant that the present evil system
of a foreign domination was destroying them, and was
fraught with political danger of the most serious order
to British power itself. It had been clearly pointed out
that India was extremely poor. What advantage had
been derived by India during the past 100 years under
the administration of the most highly-praised and most
highly-paid officials in the world ? If there was

any

132

SPEECHES OF DADABHAJ NAOROJI.

c

ondemnation of the existing system, it was in the result
that the country was poorer than any country in the
world. He could adduce a number of facts and figures-
of the practical effect of the present system of adminis-
tration, but there was not the time now. The very fact
of the wail of the Finance Ministers of this decade was
a complete condemnation. He was quite sure that the
right hon. gentleman, the Secretary cf State for India, was
truly desirous to know the truth, but he could not know
that clearly unless certain information was placed before
the House. He would suggest, if the right hen. gentleman
allowed, a certain number of Returns which would give the
regular production of the country year by year, and the
absolute necessaries of a common labourer to live in work-
ing health. In connexion with the trade test there was-
one fallacy which he must explain. They were told in
Statistical Returns that India had an enormous trade of
nearly £196,000,000, imports and exports together. If
he sent goods worth £100 out of this country to some
Other country, he expected there was £100 of it returned
to him with some addition of profit. That was the natural
condition of every trade. In the Colonies and in Euro-
pean countries there was an excess of imports over exports.
In the United Kingdom for the past 10 years — 1883 to
1892 — the excess had been 32 per cent., in Norway it
was 42 per cent., Sweden 24 per cent., Denmark 40 per-
cent., Holland 22 per cent., France 20 per cent., Switzer-
land 28 per cent., Spain 9 per cent., Belgium 7 per cent.,,
and so on. Any one with common sense would, of course,
admit that if a quantity of goods worth a certain amount
of money were sent out, an additional profit was expected
in return ; if not, there could not be any commerce ; but

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

133

a man who only received ]in return 90 of the 100 sent out
would soon go into the Bankruptcy Court. Taking India’s
profits to be only 10 per cent, instead of 32 per cent., like
those of the United Kingdom, and after making all deduc-
tions for remittances for interest or* public works loans,
India had received back Rs. 170,000,000 worth of imports
less than what she exported annually. On the average of
10 years (1883 to 1892) their excesses of exports every
year, with compound interest, would amount to enormous
sums lost by her. Could any country in the world, Eng-
land not excepted, stand such a drain without destruction ?
They were often told they ought to be thankful, and they
were thankful, for the loans made to them for public works •
but if they were left to themselves to enjoy what they pro-
duced with a reasonable price for British rule, if they had
to develop their own resources, they would not require any
such loans with the interest to be paid on them, which
added to the drain on the country. Those loans were
only a fraction of what was taken away from the country.
India had lost thousands of millions in principal and inte-
rest, and was asked to be thankful for the loan of a couple
of hundreds of millions. The bulk of the British Indian
subjects were like hewers of wood and drawers of water
to the British and foreign Indian capitalists. The seeming
prosperity of British India was entirely owing to the
amount of foreign capital. In Bombay alone, which was
considered to be a rich place, there were at least £10,000,
000 of capital circulating belonging to foreign Europeans
and Indians from Native States. If all such foreign capital
were separated there would be very little wealth in British
India. He could not go further into these figures, because
he must have an occasion on which he could go more

134

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

fully into them. If only the right hon. gentleman,
the Secretary of State for India, would give them the Re-
turns which were necessary to understand more correctly
and completely the real condition of India, they would all
be the better for it. There was another thing that was
very serious. The whole misfortune at the bottom, which
made the people of British India the poorest in the world,
was the pressure to be forced to pay, roughly speaking,
200,000,000 rupees annually for European foreign services.
Till this evil of foreign domination, foretold by Sir John
Shore, was reduced to reasonable dimensions, there was no
hope, and no true and healthy finance for India. This
canker was destructive to India and suicidal to the British.
The British people would not stand a single day the evil if
the Front Benches here — all the principal military and civil
posts and a large portion of the Army — were to be occupied
by some foreigners on even the plea of giving service. When
an English official had acquired experience in the Service
of twenty or thirty years, all that was entirely lost to
India when he left the country, and it was a most serious
loss, although he did not, blame him for leaving the shore.
They were left at a certain low level. They could not rise .
they could not develop their capacity for higher govern-
ment, because they had no opportunity ; the result was, of
course, that their faculties must be stunted. Lastly,
every European displaced an Indian who should fill that
post. In short, the evil of the foreign rule involved the
triple loss of wealth, wisdom, and work. No wonder at
India’s material and moral poverty ! The next point was
the wants of the Indians. He did not think it would
require very long discussion to ascertain their wants.
They could be summed up in a few words. They wanted

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 135

British honour, good faith, righteousness, and justice.
They should then get everything that was good for them-
selves, and it would benefit the rulers themselves, but
unfortunately that had not been their fortune. Here
they had an admission of the manner in which their best
interests were treated. Lord Lytton, in a confidential
Minute, said : —

No sooner was the Act passed than the Government began to

devise means for practically evading the fulfilment of it We all

know that these claims and expectations never can or will be fulfilled.
We have had to choose between prohibiting them and cheating
them, and we have chosen the least straightforward course.

He would nob believe that the Sovereign and the
Parliament who gave these pledges of justice and honour
intended to cheat. It was the Indian Executive who had
abused their trust. That Act of 1833 was a dead letter
up to the present day. Lord Lytton said : —

Since I am writing confidentially, I do not hesitate to say
that both the Governments of England and of India appear to me
up to the present moment unable to answer satisfactorily the charge
of having taken every means in their power of breaking to the heart
the words of promise they had uttered to the ear.

What they wanted was that what Lord Salisbury
called “ bleeding ” should have an end. That would
restore them to prosperity, and England might derive
ten times more benefit by trading with a prosperous
people than she was doing now. They were destroying
the bird that could give them ten golden eggs with a
blessing upon them. The hon. member for Kingston, in
his “ India in 1880,” said : —

Many Native statesmen have been produced of whom the
Indian nation may justly be proud, and among whom may be men-
tioned Salar Jung of Hyderabad, Dinkar Rao of Gwalior, Madhao
Rao of Baroda, Kirparam of Jammu, Pundit Manphal of Alwar,
Faiz Ali Khan of Kotah, Madhao Rao Barvi of Kolahpur, and
Purnia of Mysore.

136

SPEECHES OF DADABRAI NAOROJI.

Mountstuart Elphinstone said, before the Committee
of 1833:—

The first object, therefore, is to break down the separation
between the classes and raise the Natives by education and public
trust to a level with their present rulers.

He addressed the Conservative Party. It was this
Party who had given the just Proclamation of 1858 —
their greater Charter — in these words : —

We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian terri-
tories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our
other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of Almighty
■God, we shall faithfully and con scientiously fulfil.

It was again the Conservative Party that, on the
assumption of the Imperial title by our Sovereign,
proclaimed again the equality of the Natives, whatever
their race or creed, with their English fellow-subjects,
and that their claim was founded on the highest justice.
At the Jubilee, under the Conservative Government
again, the Empress of India gave to her Indian subjects
the gracious assurance and pledge that —

It had always been and always will be her earnest desire to
maintain unswervingly the principles laid down in the Proclama-
tion published on her assumption cf the direct control of the
Government of India.

He (Mr. Naoroji) earnestly appealed to this Party
not to give the lie to these noble assurances, and not to
show to the world that it was all hypocrisy and national
bad faith. The Indians would still continue to put
their faith in the English people, and ask again and
again to have justice done. He appealed to the
right hon. gentleman, the Secretary of State for
India, and to the Government, and the Liberal Party,
who gave them their first emancipation. They felt deeply
grateful for the promises made, but would ask that these
words be now converted into loyal, faithful deeds, as

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

137

Englishmen for their honour are bound to do. Some
weeks ago the right hon. gentleman, the member for
Midlothian, wrote a letter to Sir John Cowan in which he
stated that the past sixty years had been years of emanci-
pation. Many emancipations had taken place in these
years ; the Irish, the Jews, the slaves, all received emanci-
pation in that wave of humanity which passed over this
country, and which made this country the most brilliant
and civilised of the countries of the world. In those days
of emancipation, and in the very year in which the right
hon. gentleman began his political career, the people of
India also had their emancipation at the hands of the
Liberal Party. It was the Liberal Party that passed the
Act of 1833 and nsade the magnificent promises explained
both by Macaulay and Lansdowne. He would ask the
right hon. gentleman, the member for Midlothian, to say
whether, after the Liberal Party having given this emanci-
pation at the commencement of his political career, he
would at the end of it, while giving emancipation to
3,000,000 of Irishmen, only further enslave the 300,000,000
of India ? The decision relating to the simultaneous
examinations meant rivetfcing back upon them every chain
broken by the act of emancipation. The right hon. gentle-
man in 1893, in connexion with the Irish question, after
alluding to the arguments of fear and force, said : —

“ I hope we shall never again have occasion to fall back upon
that raisei’able argument. It is better to do justice for terror than
not to do it at all ; but we are in a condition neither of terror nor
apprehension ; but in a calm and thankful state. We ask the
House to accept this Bill, aud I make that appeal on the grounds of
honour and of duty.”

Might he, then, appeal in these days when every edu-
cated man in India was thoroughly loyal, when there was
loyalty in every class of the people of India and ask, Was it

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not time for England to do justice to India on the same
grounds of “ honour and duty ” ? The right hon. Member
also said : —

There can be no more melancholy, and in the last result no
more degrading spectacle upon earth than the spectacle of oppres-
sion, or of wrong in whatever form, inflicted by the deliberate act
of a nation upon another nation, especially by the deliberate act of
such a country as Great Britain upon such a country as Ireland.

This applied to India with a force ten times greater.
And ho appealed for the nobler spectacle of which the
right hon. gentleman subsequently spoke. He said : —

But, on the other hand, there can be no nobler spectacle than
that which we think is now dawning upon us, the spectacle of a
nation deliberately set on the removal of injustice, deliberately
determined to break — not through terror, not in haste, but under
the sole influence of duty and honour — determined to break with
whatever remains still existing of an evil tradition, and determined
in that way at once to pay a debt of justice, and to consult by a
bold, wise, and good act, its own interests and its own honour.

These noble words applied with tenfold necessity to
Britain’s duty to India. It would be in the interest of
England to remove the injustice under which India
suffered more than it would be in the interest even of
India itself. He would repeat the prayer to the right
hon. gentleman, the member for Midlothian, that he would
not allow his glorious career to end with the enthralment
of 300,000,000 of the human race whose destinies are
entrusted to this great country, and from which they
expect nothing but justice and righteousness. The right
hon. gentleman, the Secretary of State for India, the other
day made a memorable speech at Wolverhampton. Among
other things, he uttered these noble words : —

“ New and pressing problems were coming up with which the
Liberal Party would have to deal. These problems were the moral
and material conditions of the people, for both went very much to-
gether. They were the problems that the statesmen of the future
would have to solve. Mr. Bright once said that the true glory of a

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139

nation was not in ships and colonies and commerce, but in the hap-
piness of its homes, and that no Government and no Party deserved
the confidence of the British electorate which did not give a fore-
most place in its legislation and administration to those measures
which would promote the comfort, health, prosperity, well-being,
and the well-doing of the masses of the people.

He would appeal to the right hon. gentleman, the
Secretary for India, that in that spirit he should study the
Indian, problem. Here in England they had to deal with
only 38,000,000 of people, and if the right hon. gentle-
man would once understand the Indian problem and do
them the justice for which they had been waiting for
sixty years, he would be one of the greatest benefactors
of the human race. He appealed also to the present
Prime Minister with confidence, because he had had
an opportunity of knowing that the Prime Minister
thoroughly understood the Indian problem. Few English-
men so clearly understood that problem or the effect of
the drain on the resources of India. He saw clearly
also how far India was to be made a blessing to
itself and to England. Would he begin his promising
career as Prime Minister by enslaving 300,000,000 of
British subjects ? He appealed to him to consider. He
could assure the right hon. gentleman, the Secretary of
State for India, that the feeling in India among the edu-
cated classes was nearing despair. It was a very bad seed
that was being sown in connexion with this matter if
some scheme was not adopted, with reasonable modifica-
tions, to give some effect to the Resolution for simul-
taneous examinations as was promised a few months ago.
The Under-Secretary for India assured them in the last
Indian Budget Debate that neither he nor the Secretary
of State for India had any disposition of thwarting or

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defeating that Resolution. Indians then felt assured on
the point, and their joy was great. But what must be
their despair and disappointment when such statements
are put before the House of Commons and the country
as were to be found in this dark Blue Book. It was
enough to break anybody’s heart. It would have broken
his but for the strong faith he had in the justice of the
British people and the one bright ray to be found even
in that Return itself, which had strengthened him to con-
tinue his appeal as long as he should live. That ra} T has
come from the Madras Government. They had pointed
out that they felt bound to do something. They also
pointed out the difficulties in the way, but these difficul-
ties were not insurmountable. About the want of true
living representation of the people he would not now say
anything. Every Englishman understood its importance.
The next point in the Motion was the ability to bear exis-
ting burdens. Indians were often told by men in autho-
rity that India was the lightest taxed country ir. the
world. The United Kingdom paid <£2 10s. per head for the
purposes of the State. They paid only 5s. or 6s. per
head, and, therefore, the conclusion was drawn that the
Indians were the most lightly-taxed people on earth. But
if these gentlemen would only take the trouble of look-
ing a little deeper they would see how the matter stood,
England paid £2 10s. per head, from an income of some-
thing like <£35 per head, and their capacity, therefore,
to pay £2 10s. was sufficiently large. Then, again, this
£2 10s. returned to them — every farthing of it — in some
form or another. The proportion they paid to the State
in the shape of Revenues was, therefore, something like
nly 7 or 8 per cent. India paid 5s. or 6s. out of their

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141

wretched incomes of <£2, or 20 rupees, as lie calculated, or
27 rupees, as calculated by Lord Cromer. But even tak_
ing the latter figure, it would not make any great differ-
ence. The three rupees was far more burdensome com-
pared with the wretched capacity of the people of India
to bear taxation than the <£2 10s. which England paid
At the rate of production of Rs.20 per head India paid
14 percent, of her income for purposes of revenue —
nearly twice as heavy as the incidence cf the United
Kingdom. Even ac the rate of production of Rs.27 per
head the Indian burden was 11 per cent. Then, again
take the test of the Income Tax. Jn the United Kinir-

o

dom Id. in the Income Tax gave some £2,500,000 ; but
in India, with ten times the poulation, Id. only gave
about Rs. 300, 000, with an exemption of only Rs.50 in-
stead of £150 as in this country. In the last 100 years
the wealth of England had increased by leaps and bounds^
while India, governed by the same Englishmen, was the
same poor nation that it was all through the century that
had elapsed, and India at the present moment was the
most extremely poor country in the world, and would b&
poor to the end of the chapter if the present system of
foreign domination continued. He did not say that the
Natives should attain to the highest positions of control
and power. Let there be Europeans in the highest posi-
tions, such as the Viceroy, the Governors, the Commander-
in-Chief of the Forces, and the higher military officers,,
and such others as might be reasonably considered to be
required to hold the controlling powers. The controlling
power of Englishmen in India was wanted as much for the
benefit of India as for the benefit of England. The next
point in the Motion was, what were the sources of Indian

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Revenue? The chief sources of the Revenue were just
what was mainly obtained from the cultivators of the soil.
Here in this country the landlords — the wealthiest people
— paid from land only 2 or 3 per cent, of the Revenues,
but in India land was made to contribute something like
Rs. 27, 000, 000 of the total Revenue of about Rs.

67,000,000. Then the Salt Tax, the most cruel Revenue
imposed in any civilised country, provided Re. 8, 600, 000,
and that with the opium formed the bulk of the Revenue of
India, which was drawn from the wretchednesss of the people
and by poisoning the Chinese. It mattered not what the
State received was called — tax, rent, revenue, or by any
other name they liked — the simple fact of the matter
was, that out of a certain annual national production the
State took a certain portion. Now it would not also
matter much about the portion taken by the State if
that portion, as in this country, returned to the people
themselves, from whom it was raised. But the misfortune
and the evil was that much of this portion did not
return to the people, and that the whole system of
Revenue and the economic condition of the people became
unnatural and oppressive, with danger to the rulers. In
this country the people drank nearly £4 per head, while
in India they could not produce altogether more than
half that amount per head. Was the system under
which such a wretched condition prevailed not a matter
for careful consideration ? So long as the system went on
so long must the people go on living wretched lives.
There was a constant draining away of India’s resources,
and she could never, therefore, be a prosperous country.
Not only that, but in time India must perish, and with
it might perish the British Empire. If India was pros-

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143

perous, England would be prosperous ten times more
than she was at present by reason of the trade she
could carry on with India. England at present exported
some £300,000.000 worth of British produce, yet to
India she hardly exported produce to the value of 2s. 6d.
per head. If India were prosperous enough to buy even
£1 worth per head of English goods she would be able
to send to India as much as she now sent to the whole
world. Would it not, then, be a far greater benefit to
England if India were prosperous than to keep her as she
was ? The next point in the Motion was the reduction
of expenditure. The very first thing should be to cancel
that immoral and cruel “compensation ” without any legal
claim even. That was not the occasion to discuss its
selfishness and utter disregard of the wretchedness of the
millions of the people. But as if this injustice were not
enough, other bad features were added to it, if my
information be correct. The compensation was only for
remittances to this country. But instead of this, every
European and Eurasian, whether he had to make any
family remittances or not, was to have a certain addition
to his salary. That was not all. The iniquity of making
race distinctions was again adopted in this also ;
Europeans and Eurasians, whether remittances had to be
made or not, were to receive compensation : but an Indian
who had actually to make remittances for the education
of his sons, could have no consideration. But he (Mr.
Naoroji) deprecated the whole thing altogether — to take
from the wretched to give to the better-off. This com-
pensation should be cancelled as the first step in reduction.
As the Chancellor of the Exchequer said the other day
in his gplendid speech at his magnificent ovation by the

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Liberal Members, in speaking of the land -owners, the
burden was always shifted on to other shoulders, and
always on those least able to pay. This was exactly the
principle of Anglo-Indian authorities. If it was really
intended to retrench with regard to expenditure in India
why not begin with the salary list ? The Viceroy surely
could get his bread and butter with £20,000 a year
instead cf £25,000. The Governors could surely have
bread and cheese for £6,000 or £8,000 instead of £10,000 r
and so on down till the end of the salary list was reached
at Rs. 200 a month. This would afford a much-needed
relief, because India could not really afford to pay. Sir
William Hunter had rightly said that if we were to
govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply we must
govern them by means of themselves, and pay for the
administration at the market rates of Native labour ;
that the good work of security and law had assumed such
dimensions under the Queen’s government of India that it
could no longer be carried on or even supervised by
imported labour from England, except at a cost which
India could sustain, and he had prophesied that
40 years hereafter they would have had an Indian Ireland
multiplied fifty-fold on their hands. The Service must
charge from that which was dear, and at the same time
unsatisfactory, to one which would require less money and
which would at the same time be fruithful to the people
themselves. Next, three Secretaries of State and two Vice-
roys the other day in the House of Lords condemned in the
strongest terms the charge that was made by the War
Office for troops in India. But it seemed that one Secre-
tary for India (Lord Kimberley) trembled to approach the
War Minister, because each new discussion resulted in

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145

additional charges and additional burdens. He also truly
said that the authorities here, not having to pay from their
own pockets, readily made proposals of charges which were
unjust and unnecessary, to make things agreeable. The
consequence was that charges were imposed which were
unjust and cruel. In fact, whatever could have the name
of India attached to ir,, India was forced to pay for it.
That was not the justice which he expected from the Eng-
lish. With reference to these military charges, the burden
now thrown upon India on account of British troops was
excessive, and he thought every impartial judgment would
assent to that proposition, considering the relative material
wealth of the two countries and their joint obligations and
benefits. All that they could do was to appeal to the Bri-
tish Government for an impartial consideration of the
relative financial capacity of the two countries, and for a
generous consideration to be shown by the wealthiest nation
in the world to a dependency so comparatively poor and so
little advanced as India. He believed that if any Com-
mittee were appointed to enquire, with the honest purpose
of finding out how to make India prosperous and at the
same time to confer as much if not more benefit to Eng-
land, they could very easily find out the way, and would
be able to suggest what should be done. Now, with re-
gard to the financial relations between India and England,
it was declared over and over again that this European
Army and all European servants were for the special pur-
pose of maintaining the power of the British Empire.
Were they, therefore, not for some benefit to England ?
Were they only for the service of India, for their benefit
and for their protection ? Was it right that they did
avowedly use machinery more for their own purposes than
10

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for the purposes of India, and yet make India pay alto-
gether ? Was it right, if India’s prosperity was, as Lord
Heberts said, so indissolubly bound up with their own, and
if the greatness and prosperity of the United Kingdom
depended upon the retention of India, that they should
pay nothing for it, and that they should extract from it
every farthing they possibly could ? They appealed to
their sense of justice in this matter. They were not ask-
ing for this as any favour of concession. They based their
appeal on the ground of simple justice. Here was a
machinery by which both England and India benefited : and
it was only common justice that both should share the cost
of it. If this expenditure on the European Army and the
European Civil Services, which was really the cause of
their misery, was for the benefit of both, it was only right
that they, as honourable men, should take a share. Their
prayer was for an impartial and comprehensive enquiry so
that the whole matter might be gone into, and that the
question of principles and policy which, after all, was one
for their statesmen to decide, should be properly dealt with.
They knew that during the iule of the East India Com-
pany an enquiry was made every 20 years into the affairs
of India. This was no reflection upon the Government ;
it was simply to see that the East India Company did
their duty. There was such an enquiry in 1853, and he
thought it was time, after 40 years had elapsed since the
assumption of British rule by the Queen, that there should
Ice some regular, independent enquiry like that which use-
ed to take place in former days, so that the people and
Parliament of this country might see that the Indian
authorities were doing their duty. The result of the
irresponsibility of the present British Administration was

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 147

that the expenditure went on unchecked. He admitted
fully that expenditure must go on increasing if India was
to progress in her civilisation ; but if they allowed her to
prosper, India would be able not only to pay her £60,000,000
out of the 300,000,000 of population, but she would be
able to pay twice, three times, and four times as much.
It was not that the} 7, did not want to expend as much as
was necessary. Their simple complaint was that the pre-
sent system did not allow India to become prosperous, and
eo enable her to supply the necessary revenue. As to the
character of the enquiry, it should be full and impartial.
The right hon. member for Midlothian said on one occasion
not long ago, when the question of the Opium Trade was
under discussion in that House

I must make the admission that I do not think that in this
matter we ought to be guided exclusively, perhaps even principally
by those who may consider themselves experts. It is a very sad
thing to say, but unquestionably it happens not infrequently in
human affairs that those who might from their position, know the
most and the best, yet, from their prejudices and prepossessions,
know the least and the worst. I certainly for my part do not pro-
pose to abide finally and decisively by official opinion.

And the right hon. gentleman went on to say that
what the House wanted, in his opinion, was “ independent
but responsible opinion,” in order to enable him to proceed
safely to a decision on the subject which was to be con-
sidered. He was asking by this Resolution nothing more
than what the right hon. gentleman, the member for Mid-
lothian, had said was actually necessary for the Opium
Commission. How much more necessary it was when they
meant to overhaul and examine all the various departments
of administration, and the affairs of 300,000,000 of people
all in a state of transition in civilisation — complicated
especially by this evil of foreign rule ! What was wanted

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

was an independent enquiry by which the rulers and the
ruled might come to some fair and honourable under-
standing with each other which would keep them together
in good faith and good heart. He could only repeat the
appeal he had made, in the words of the Queen herself,
when her Majesty in her great Indian Proclamation
said : —

In their prosperity will be our strength, in their contentment
our security, and in their gratitude our best reward !

And then she prayed : —

And may the God of all power grant to us and to those in
authority under us strength to carry out these our wishes for the
good of our people !

He said Amen to that. He appealed once more to-
the House and to the British people to look into the
whole problem of Indian relations with England. There
was no reason whatever why there should not be a
thorough good understanding between the two countries, a
thorough good-will on the part of Britain, and a thorough
loyalty on the part of India, with blessings to both, if the
principles and policy laid down from time to time by the
British people and by the British Parliament were loyally^
faithfully, and worthily, as the English character ought
to lead them to expect, observed by the Government of
that country.

Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word
“That,” to the end of the Question, in order to add the
words —

In the opinion of this House, a full and independent Parlia-
mentary enquiry should take place into the condition and wants of
the Indian people, and their ability to bear their existing financial
burdens ; the nature of the revenue system and the possibility of
reductions in the expenditure ; also the financial relations between
India and the United Kingdom, and generally the system of
Government in India. — {Mr. S. Smith.')

ENGLAND AND INDIA.

AMENDMENT TO THE ADDRESS,

I

February , 12 th 1895.

Mr. Naoroji (Finsbury, Central) moved an Amend-
ment to add the following to the Address : —

And we humbly pray that Your Majesty will be graciously
pleased to direct Your Majesty’s Ministers to so adjust the finan-
cial relations between the United Kingdom and British India, with
regard to all the expenditure incurred in the employment of Euro-
peans in the British-Indian Services, Civil and Military, in this
Country and in India, that some fair and adequate portion of such
expenditure should be borne by the British Exchequer in propor-
tion to the pecuniary and political benefits accruing to the United
Kingdom from Your Gracious Majesty’s sway over India ; and that
the British Treasury should sustain a fair and equitable portion of
all expenditure incurred on all military and political operations
beyond the boundaries of India in which both Indian and British
interests are jointly concerned.

Having expressed his regret that generally it was net
the practice to mention India and to indicate any concern
for its interests in the Queen’s Speech, he said he was
ready to acknowledge with gratitude the advantage which
had ensued to the people of India from British rule. He
had no desire to minimise those benefits : at the same time
he did not appeal to that House or to the British nation
for any form of charity to India, however poverty-stricken
she is. He based the claims of India, on grounds of justice
alone. The question was not at all one of a Party character
and therefore he addressed what he had to say to the
English people as a whole. He was often supposed to com-
plain about the European officials personally. It was not

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so. It was the system which made the officials what they
were, that he complained about. They were the creatures
of circumstances. They could only move in the one-sided
groove in which they were placed by the evil system,
Further, his remarks applied to British India and not to
the Native States. It had been sometimes said that he
resorted to agitation in bringing forward the claims of
India, but on that point he would only quote a few words
from Macaulay, who said in one of his speeches —

I hold that we have owed to agitation a long series of bene-
ficent reforms which could have been effected in no other way. . . .
The truth is that agitation is inseparable from popular Govern-
ment. . . . Would the slave trade ever have been abolished with-
out an agitation ? Would slavery ever have been abolished without
agitation ?

He would add that their slavery would not be abolish-
ed without agitation and it was well that it should be
abolished by peaceful agitation, rather than by revolution
caused by despair. He next proposed to consider the res-
pective benefits to Britain and India from their connexion.
From the annual production of India the Government
took about 700,000,000 rupees for the expenditure of the
State. The first result of this cost was law and order, the
greatest blessing that any rule could confer, and Indians
fully appreciated this benefit of safety from violence to
life, limb, and property. Admitting this benefit to India,
was it not equalty or even more vital benefit to the Bri-
tish in India, and more particularly to the British rule
itself ? Did not the very existence of every European
resident in India depend upon this law and order, and so
also of the British power itself ? The Hindus (and the
Mahomedans also, the bulk of whom are Hindus by race)
were, by their nature, in their very blood, by the inherit-
ance of social and religious institutions of some thousands

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151

of years, peaceful and law-abiding. Their division into
the four great divisions was the foundation of their peace-
ful nature. One class was devoted to learning. Peace
was an absolute necessity to them. The fighting and rul-
ing and protecting business was left to the small second
class. The third and the largest class — the industrial, the
agricultural, the trading, and others — depended upon peace
and order for their work, and the fourth serving class were
submissive and law-abiding. The virtue of law-abiding
was a peculiarly and religiously binding duty upon the
Hindus, and to it does Britain owe much of its present
peaceful rule over India. It will be Britain’s own fault if
this character is changed. It was sometimes said that Eng-
land conquered India with the sword, and would hold it by
the sword ; but he did not believe this was the sentiment
of the British people generally. He could not better emp-
hasise this than in the words of their present great Indian
General. Lord Roberts had said that : —

However efficient and well-equipped the Army of India might
be— were it indeed absolute perfection, and were its numbers con-
siderably more than at present — our greatest strength must ever
rest on the firm base of a united and contented people.

That was the spirit in which he spoke. At present
India shared far less benefits than justice demanded. Hun-
dreds of millions of rupees were drawn from, and taken
out of, the country for the payment of European officials of
all kinds, without any material equivalent being received
for it ; capital was thus withdrawn, and the Natives pre"
vented from accumulating it ; and under the existing
system a large part of the resources and industries of the
country was thrown into the hands of British and other
capitalists. The 300,000,000 or so of rupees which the
India Office draws every year at present is so much British

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

benefit in a variety of ways. British India was indeed
British India, and not India’s India. He next examined
the material or pecuniary benefit derived by Britian and
India. Out of about 700,000,000 rupees raised annual-
ly from the annual production of the country, nearly
200,000,000 rupees were appropriated in pay, pensions*
and allowances to Europeans in this country and in India.
This compulsorily obtained benefit to Britain crippled the
resources of British Indians, who could never make any
capital and must drag on a poverty-stricken life. Hun-
dreds and thousands of millions of wealth passed in princi-
pal and interest thereon from India to Britian. Thousands
of Europeans found a career and- livelihood in India, to
the exclusion of the children of the soil, who thus lost
both their bread and their brains thereby. Not only that.
This crippled condition naturally threw nearly all the
requirements of India more or less into British hands,
which, under the patronage and protection of the British
officials, monopolised nearly everything. British India
was, next to officials, more or less for British professionals,
traders, capitalists, planters, ship-owners, railway holders,
and so on, the bulk of the Indians having only to serve
for poor income or wages that they earned. In a way a
great mass of the Indians were worse off than the slaves
of the Southern States. The slaves being property were
taken care of by their masters. Indians may die off
by millions by want and it is nobody’s concern. The
slaves worked on their masters’ land and resources, and
the masters took the profits. Indians have to work on
their own land and resources, and hand the profits
to the foreign masters. He offered a simple test. Sup-
posing that by some vicissitudes of fortune, which he

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153

hoped and prayed would never occur, Britain was conquered
by a foreign people. This was no impossible assumption
in this world. When Caesar landed in this country no one
could have dreamt that the savages he met here would in
time be the masters of the greatest Empire in the world,
and that the same Rome and Italy, then the masters of
the world, would in turn become a geographical name only.
Well, suppose this House was cleared of Englishmen and
filled with foreigners, or perhaps shut up altogether, all
power and plans in their hands, eating and carrying away
much of the wealth of this country year after year, in
short, Britain reduced to the present condition and system
of government of India, would the Britons submit to it
a single day if they could help it? So law-abiding as
they are, will nob all their law-abiding vanish? No! The
Briton will not submit ; as he says, “ Britons will never
be slaves,” and may the } 7 sing so for ever. Now, he
asked whether, though they would never be slaves, was it
their mission to make others slaves ? No ; the British
people’s instincts are averse to that. Their mission is and
ought to be to raise others to their own level. And it
was that faith in the instinctive love of justice in the
British heart and conscience that keeps the Indian so
loyal and hopeful. There was no doubt an immense
material benefit to England accruing from the adminis-
tration of India, but there was no corresponding benefit
to the Indian people under the present evil system. For
the sake of argument merely, he would assume that the
material benefit was equal to the inhabitants of India as
well as to the British people, and even on that assump-
tion he contended that the British people were bound for
the benefit they derived to take their share of the cost of

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producing that benefit. The position had been correctly
described by Lord Salisbury, who said : —

The injury is exaggerated in the ease of India, where so much
of the Revenue is exported without a direct equivalent. As India
must be bled, the lancet should be directed to the parts where the
blood is congested, or at least sufficient, not to those already feeble
for the want of it.

That was correct as far as the present British system
in India was concerned, and “ India must be bled.” The
result of this was that their Finance Ministers were obliged
to lament and complain, year after year, of the extreme
poverty of India, which did not enable them to bring its
finances into a properly sound condition. The subject
of the poverty of India embraced many aspects in its cause
and effects. But this was not the occasion on which
such a vast subject could be dealt with adequately. It
was the natural and inevitable result of the evil of foreign
dominion as it exists in the present system, as predicted
by Sir John Shore, above a hundred years ago. In order
to give an idea of the position of India as compared with
that of England he would point only to one aspect. The
Secretary of State for India in his speech last year, on
going into Committee on the Indian Budget, made a very
important statement. He said : —

Now as to the Revenue, I think the figures are very instruc-
tive. Whereas in England the taxation is £2 11s. 8d. per head, in
Scotland, £2 8s. Id. per head, and in Ireland, £1 12s. 5d. per head,
the Budget which I shall present to-morrow will show that the
taxation per head in India is something like 2s. 6d., or one-twentieth
the taxation of the United Kingdom, and one-thirteenth that of
Ireland.

The Member for Flintshire (Mr. S. Smith) then
asked, “ Does he exclude the Land Revenue ? ” And the
right hon. gentleman replied : —

Yes. So far as the taxation of India is concerned, taking the
rupee at Is. Id,, it is 2s. 6d. per head.

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

155

The exclusion of Land Revenue was unfair, but this
was not the time to discuss that point fully. The Land
Revenue did not rain from heaven. It formed part and
parcel of the annual wealth from which the State Revenue
is taken in a variety of different names — call it tax, rent,
excise, duty, stamps, incorr.e-tax, and sc on. It simply
meant that so much was taken from the annual production
for the purposes of Government. The figures taken by
the right hon. gentleman for the English taxation is also
the gross Revenue, and similarly must this Indian Revenue
be taken, except Railway and Navigation Revenue. That
statement of the right hon. gentleman, if it meant
anything, meant that the incidence of taxation in India
was exceedingly light compared with the incidence
of taxation in England. It was the usual official fiction
that the incidence of taxation in India was small as
compared with that of this country. But when they con-
sidered the incidence of taxation they must consider not
simply the amount paid in such taxation, but what it was
compared with the capacity of the person who paid it.
An elephant might with ease carry a great weight, whilst
a quarter ounce or a grain of wheat, might be sufficient to
crush an ant. Taking the capacity of the two countries,
the annual product or income of England was admitted
to be something like <£35 per head. If there was a taxa-
tion of £2 10s. as compared with that it was easy to see
that the incidence or heaviness was only about 7 per cent
of the annual wealth. If, on the other hand, they took
the production of India at the high official estimate of
27 rupees per head — though he maintained it was only
20 rupees — even then the percentage, or incidence of taxa-
tion, was about 10 or 11 per cent., or at 20 rupees the

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJ1.

incidence was nearly 14 per cent., i.e., nearly double what
it was in England. To say, therefore, that India was
lightly taxed was altogether a fiction . The fact was, as
he stated, that the pressure of taxation in India, according
to its means of paying, was nearly double that of wealthy
England, and far more oppressive, as exacted from poverty.
That was not all. The case for India was worse, and
that was the fundamental evil of the present system. In
the United Kingdom, if about <£100,000,000 are raised as
revenue, every farthing returns to the people themselves.
But in British India, out of about Bs. 700,000,000
about Bs. 200, 000, 000 are paid to foreigners — be-

sides all the other British benefits obtained from the
wretched produce of Bs 20 per head. Even an ocean
if it lost some water every day which never returned
to it, would be dried up in time. Under similar condi-
tions wealthy England even would be soon reduced to
poverty. He hoped it would be felt by bon. members
that India, in that condition, could derive very little bene-
fit from British administration. He spoke in agony, not
in indignation, both for the sake of the land of his career
and for the land of his birth, and he said that if a sys-
tem of righteousness were introduced into India instead
of the present evil system, both England and India would
be blessed, the profit and benefit to England itself would
be ten times greater than it now was, and the Indian
people would then regard their government by this coun-
try as a blessing, instead of being inclined to condemn it.
England, with India contented, justly treated, and pros-
perous, may defy half-a-dozen Bussias, and may drive
■back Bussia to the very gates of St. Petersburg. The
Indian will then fight as a patriot for his own hearth

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157

and home. Punjab alone will be able to provide a
powerful army. Assuming again, for purpose of argu-
ment, that their benefit in India was equal to the British
benefit, then he said that the British must share the cost
of the expenditure which produced these results, and for
which both partners profited equally. But in his amend-
ment he did not ask that even half of the whole cost
should be borne by the British people, but only for that
part of the expenditure which was incurred on Euro-
peans, and that entirely for the sake of British rule. If
it was not for the necessity of maintaining British rule
there would be no need to drain India in the manner
in which it was now- drained by the crushing European
Services. Lord Roberts, speaking in London, May, 1893
said : —

I rejoice to learn that you recognise how indissolubly the
prosperity of the United Kingdom is bound up with the retention
of that vast Eastern Empire.

But if the interests of England and India were in-
dissolubly bound up, it was only just and proper that
both should pay for the cost of the benefits they de-
rived in equal and proper proportions. Lord Kimberley,
in a speech at the Mansion House, in 1893, said : —

We are resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy
over our Indian Empire. . . . that (among other things)

supremacy rests upon the maintenance of our European Civil Ser-
vice. . . We rest also upon our magnificent European force

which we maintain in that country.

The European Civil Services and European residents
he contended, were the weakest part in the maintenance
of their rule in India. Whenever any unfortunate trouble
did arise, as in 1857, the European Civil Service, and
Europeans generally, were their greatest difficulty. They
must be saved, they were in the midst of the greatest

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

danger, and in such circumstances they became their
greatest weakness. The loyal Indians saved many lives.
To suppose that their Civil Service, or the British peo-
ple, could have any other safety than that which arose
from the satisfaction of India, was to deceive themselves.
Whatever might be the strength of their military
force, their true security in the maintenance of their
rule in India depended entirely on the satisfaction of
the people. Brute force may make an empire, but brute
force would not maintain it ; it was moral force and
justice and righteousness alone that would maintain it.
If he asked that the whole expenditure incurred on Euro-
peans should be defrayed from the British Treasury he
should not be far wrong, but, for the sake of argument,
he was prepared tc admit that the benefit derived from
the employment of Europeans was shared equally by
Europeans and Natives. He therefore asked that at
least half of the expenditure incurred on Europeans here
and in India should be paid, from the British Exchequer.
Indians were sometimes threatened that if they raised the
question of financial relations, something would have to
be said about the navy. Apart from a fair share
for the vessels stationed in India, why should Eng-
land ask India to defray any other portion of the
cost of the navy ? The very sense of justice had pro-
bably prevented any such demand being made. The fame,
gain, and glory of the navy was all England’s own. There
was not a single Indian employed in the navy. It was
said the navy was necessary to protect the Indian com-
merce. There was not a single ship sailing from or to In-
dia which belonged to India. The whole of the shipping
was British, and not only that, but the whole cargo while

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

159

floating was entirely at the risk of British money. There
was not an ounce exported from India on which British
money did not lie through Indian banks. In the same
way, when goods were exported from England, British
money was upon them. The whole floating shipping and
goods was first British risk. Lastly, there is every inch
of the British navy required for the protection of these
blessed islands. Every Budget, from either Party, em-
phasises this fact, that the first line of defence for the
protection of the United Kingdom alone, demands a navy
equal to that of any two European Powers. He had
asked for several returns from the Secretary of
State. If the right hon. gentleman would give those re-
turns, the House would be able to judge of the real
material condition of India ; until those returns were pre-
sented they would not be in a position to understand
exactly the real condition of India under the present system.
He would pass over all the small injustices, in charging
every possible thing to India, which they would not dare
to do with the Colonies. India Office buildings, Engineer-
ing College building, charge for recruiting, while the
soldiers form part and parcel of the army here ; the
system of short service occasioning transport expenses,
and so on, and so on. WLile attending the meeting upon
the Armenian atrocities, he could not help admiring the
noble efforts that the English always made for the pro-
tection of the suffering and oppressed. It is one of the
noblest traits in the English character. Might he appeal
to the same British people, who were easily moved to gene-
rosity and compassion when there was open violence, to
consider the cause why in India hundreds of thousands of
people were frequently carried away through famine and

160

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

drought, and that millions constantly lived on starvation
fare? Why was it that after a hundred years of admini-
stration by the most highly paid officials, the people of India
were not able to pay one-twentieth part of the taxation which
the United Kingdom paid, or even one-thirteenth which
poor Ireland paid ? Were the English satisfied with such
a result? Is it creditable to them? While England’s
wealth had increased, India’s had decreased. The value
of the whole production of India was not <£2 per head per
annum, or, taking into account the present rate of ex-
change, it was only 20s, The people here spent about <£4
per head in drink alone, while India’s whole production is
only a pound or two per head. Such should not be the
result of a system which was expected to be beneficent.
He appealed bo the people of this country to ask and con-
sider this question. If there were famine here food would
be poured in from the whole world. Why not so in
India? Why the wretched result that' the bulk of the
people had no means to pay for food ? Britain has saved
India from personal violence. Would it not also save mil-
lions from want and ravages of famine o ving to their
extreme poverty caused by the evil which Sir J. Shore pre-
dicted. The late Mr. Bright told his Manchester friends
that there were two ways of benefiting themselves, the one
was by plunder, and the other was by trade, and he prefer-
red the latter mode. At present, England’s trade with In-
dia was a miserable thing. The British produce sent to all
India was about worth 2s. per head per annum. If, how-
ever, India were prosperous, and able to buy, England
would have no need to complain of duties and the want of
markets. In India there was a market of 300 millions of
civilised people. If the wants of those people were provided

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

161

for, with complete free trade in her own hands and control,
England would be able to eliminate altogether the word
“ unemployed ” from her dictionary : in fact, she would
not be able to supply all that India would want. The
other day the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that
where injustice and wrong prevailed, as it did prevail
in Armenia, a Liberal Government was called upon to
obtain the co-operation of European powers in order to
repress the wrong. Might he appeal to the right bon.
gentleman to give an earnest and generous consideration
to India? The right hon. gentleman, the member for
Midlothian made a very grand speech on his birthday
upon the Armenian question. He appealed to that right
hon. gentleman, and to all those of the same mind, to
consider and find out the fundamental causes which make the
destitution of forty or fifty millions — a figure of official
admission — and destruction of hundreds of thousands by
famine, possible, though British India’s resources are
admitted on all sides to be vast. In the present amend-
ment his object was *to have that justice of a fair share
in expenditure to be taken by Britain in proportion to
her benefits. He asked for no subsidy, but only for
common justice. By a certain amount of expenditure
they derived certain benefits ; they were partners, therefore
let them share equally the benefits and the costs. His
amendment also had reference to expenditure outside the
boundaries of India. He maintained that if England
undertook operations in Burmali, Afghanistan, and in
other places beyond the borders of India for the protec-
tion of British rule, she was bound by justice to defray at
least half the cost. The benefit of these operations was
tor both Britain and India. The principle was admitted
11

162

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

in the case of the last Afghan war, which was certainly not
a very necessary war, but the Liberal Government defrayed
a portion of the expenditure. That India should be
required to pay the cost of all the small wars and aggres-
sions beyond her boundaries, or political subsidies, was not
worthy of the British people, when these were all as much
or more necessary, for their own benefit and rule as for
the benefit of India. He hoped he was not appealing to
deaf ears. He knew that when any appeal was made on
the basis of justice, righteousness, and honour, the English
people responded to it, and with the perfect faith in the
English character he believed his appeal would not be in
vain. The short of the whole matter was, whether the
people of British India v/ere British citizens or British
helots. If the former, as he firmly believed to be the
desire of the British people, then let them have their
birthright of British rights as well as British responsibili-
ties. Let them be treated with justice, that, the costs of
the benefits to both should be shared by both. The un-
seemly squabble that was now taking place on the question
of Import Duties between the Lancashire manufacturers
on the one hand and the British Indian Government on
the other illustrated the helpless condition of the people of
India. This was the real position. The Indian Govern-
ment arbitrarily imposed a burden of a million or so a
year on the ill-fed Indians as a heartless compensation to
the well-fed officials, and have gone on adding to expendi-
ture upon Europeans. They want money, and they adopt
Lord Salisbury’s advice to bleed where there is blood left,
and also b} r means of Import Duties tax the subjects of
the Native States. The Lancashire gentleman object and
want to apply the lancet to other parts that would not

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

163

interfere with their interests — and thus the quarrel
between them. However that is decided, the Indians are
to be bled. He did not complain of the selfishness of the
Lancashire people. By all means be selfish, but be intelli-
gently selfish. Remember what Mr. Bright said — Your
good can only come through India’s good. Help India to
be prosperous, and you will help your prosperity.
Macaulay truly said : —

It would be a doting wisdom which would keep a hundred
millions (now more than two hundred millions) of men from being
our customers in order that they might continue to be our slaves.

They had no voice as to the expenditure of a single
farthing in the administration of Indian affairs. The
British Indian Government could do what they liked.
There was, of course, an Indian Council ; but when a
Budget was proposed it had to be accepted. The repre-
sentatives of the Council could make a few speeches, but
there the matter ended. The people of India now turned
to the people of Great Britain, and, relying on the justice
of their claim, asked that they should contribute their
fair share in proportion to any benefits w'hic h this country
might derive from the possession of India.

Part I.

INDIA AND LANCASHIRE.

February, 2\st, 1S95.

Sir Henry James , a conservative member moved the
adjournment of the House “ in order to call attention to a
matter of definite and' urgent public importance — the effect
of the imposition of duties on cotton goods imported into
India The motion was warmly debated , and ultimately
lost , the Government as a, body opposing Sir Henry James .
Mr. Dadabhai made the following speech on the occasion : —
At this late hour I shall not occupy the House very
long, but I will ask hon. gentlemen opposite : Does

England spend a single farthing in connection with India ?
Hon. gentlemen say they are maintaining the Empire. It
is something extraordinary ! For the two hundred years
they have been connected with India they have not spent
a single farthing either on the acquisition or the mainte-
nance of the Empire. However, I will not go into that
large question. (Hear, hear.) Did I wish to see the Em-
pire in India endangered, were I a rebel at heart, I should
welcome this motion with the greatest delight. The great
danger to the Empire is to adopt methods of irritation,
which if continued will assuredly bring about disintegra-
tion. (Hear, hear .) I appeal to the Unionists to vote
against this motion or they will drive the first nail in the
coffin of British rule in India. You may, as Lord Roberts
has told you, have a stronger and larger army in India
than you have at present ; you may have that army per-
fection itself ; but your stability rests entirely upon the
satisfaction of the people. (Hear, hear.) I heard with

SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

165

great satisfaction hon. members on both sides of the House
recognise this important fact, that after all, the whole safety
of the British rule depends upon the satisfaction of the
people, and the justice that may be done towards them.
Remember whatever you are, you are still like a step-mother
— children may submit to any amount of oppression from
their own mother, and will be affectionate towards her,
but from their step-mother they will always demand the
strictest justice. (Hear, hear.) You must remember that
you as an alien people have to rule over a large number of
people in the Indian Empire, and if you do not consult their
feelings, you will make a very great mistake. I am quite
sure that I appeal not in vain to the Unionists, and can
I appeal to the Home Rulers. (Hear, hear.) If they
mean Home Rule, they mean that it must be entirely on
the integrity of the Empire. (Hear, hear.) I have never
known a motion brought before this House which was
more separatist than the one before it now. (Hear, hear.)
I can count upon the votes of Home Rulers. The passing
of this motion would be the passing of a motion of dis-
union. Perhaps you may not feel the effect for some time
but I impress upon this great assembly — that though a
revolution may not take place to-morrow, it is the accumu-
lation of many years, of many disappointments, many in-
attentions, that at last produces a revolution. Do not
forget 1857. I, for one, desire from the bottom of my
heart that the British rule and connection with India
may last for a very long time. (Hear, hear.) They are
dealing with many millions of people, and I desire and
hope that India to-morrow will not receive a telegram
saying that this motion has been passed. The feeling of
injustice is very strong there. India has its agitators.

166

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

What were the occupiers of the Treasury Bench ? Did
they not go up and down the country endeavouring to
educate the people and to disseminate their own opinions?
And so does the Opposition and every member. It is by
peaceful agitation alone that British India is to be pre-
served, This is not the first occasion that our Lancashire
friends have tried to force the hands of the Government
to do certain things adverse to India. They began in 1700.
But I am not going on this grave occasion to enter into
any petty quarrel with them. ( Hear , hear.) This I will
say, British India is too poor to buy Manchester goods.
People talked of the enormous Manchester trade.
There was no such enormous trade, unless 15s. Qd. per
head per annum was an enormous trade. I appeal to all
parties not to let this motion pass. ( Hear , hear.) I appeal
to you not to let a telegram go forth to India, saying that
it has been passed. It will have a very bad effect there.
You have your remedy in the assurance of the Secretary
of India, that if you can point out how to remove the
the alleged protective character of these duties, he wil da
it. You are bound to be satisfied with that assurance. I
again earnestly hope that the motion will not be allowed
to pass. (Hear, hear.)

Part II.

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES & ADDRESSES.
RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON.

. » «g — *

The following speech was delivered before the public meet-
ing of the native inhabitants of Bombay in honour of Lord
Ripon, on his retirement from the Viceroyalty , convened by,
the Sheriff in the Town Hall , on Saturday, the 29th Novem-
ber, , 188 Jf. The Hon 7 hie Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy , Bart f
C. S. /., in the Chair.

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was received with loud
and prolonged cheers, in supporting the Resolution, *
said : — Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — All India from
one end to the other proclaims the righteousness and
good deeds of Lord Ripon. There are not many per-
sons among the thousands that have assembled here, or
among the hundreds of thousands of this city or
among the millions of this Presidency, who have
not his great services by heart. (Cheers.) It will
be useless for me to waste any time in a reitera-
tion of them. I shall touch upon what strikes me as the
brightest stars in the whole galaxy of his deeds. The
greatest questions of the Indian problem to my mind at

* That this meeting, representing the various native com-
munities of Western India, desires to place on record the deep
sense of gratitude entertained by them for the eminent services
to India rendered by the Marquis of Ripon during his admininis-
tration as Viceroy of India.

168

RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON.

present are, our material and moral loss, and our politi-
cal education for self-government. For the former, the
first great achievement of the Ripon Government is a
courageous and candid acknowledgment that the material
and educational condition of India is that of extreme
poverty. After this bold and righteous recognition, England
will feel bound to remedy this great evil. (Cheers.) Lord
Ripon’s Government has, however, not remained satisfied
with their acknowledgment, but has laid the foundation of
the remedy by resolving that Indian energy, Indian resour-
ces, and Indian agency must be developed in every way
and in all departments with broad and equal justice to all.
For the second — our political education — nothing can be
a more conclusive proof of the success of his measures in
that direction than the sight of the great and national
political upheaving in the ovation that is now

being poured upon him throughout the length and
breadth of India. And we ourselves are here to-
day as the proof of the success of our political

education. (Cheers) We are to propose a memorial to
Lord Ripon. But what will hundred such memorials be
to the great monuments he has himself raised to himself?
As self-government, and self-administration and edu-
cation advanced, for which all he has raised great new
landmarks, his memory shall exist at every moment of
India’s life, and they will be the everlasting monuments,
before which all our memorials will sink into utter in-
significance. It was asked in St. Paul where Wren’s
monument was. This, St. Paul itself, was his monument,
was the reply. What is Ripon’s monument ? It will be
answered India itself — a, self-governing and prosperous
nation and loyal to the British throne. Canning was

MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES. 169

Pandy Canning, he is now the Canning the Just, of the
British historian. The native historian with admiration
and gratitude, and the English historian, with pride and
pleasure, will point to Ripon, as Ripon the Righteous,
the maker and benefactor of a nation of hundreds of
millions. ( Loud cheers.) But by far the great service
that Ripon has done, is to England and Englishmen. He
has raised the name and glory of England and the
Englishmen, and rivetted India’s loyalty to the British
rule. Deep and unshakeable as my faith is in the
English character for fairness and desire to do
good to India, I must confess during my humble
efforts in Indian politics, I was sometimes driven
to despair, and to doubt my faith. But Ripon has com-
pletely restored it to its full intensity, that England’s
conscience is right and England will do its duty and per-
form its great mission in India, when she has such sons,
so pure of heart and high in statesmanship. [Cheers.) I
pray that our Sovereign give us always Viceroys like
Ripon. The good deeds of Ripon are sung all over the
land by all from the prince to the peasant. I am informed
that addresses will flow from the poor aggriculturists
when Lord Ripon arrives here, arid I have the pleasure of
reading to you a letter to me from a prince. This is
what H. H. the Thakore Saheb Bhagvatsingjee of Gondal
says: — “I am happy to note that a movement is being
set on foot in Bombay to perpetuate the memory of the
retiring Viceroy, Lord Ripon. He has strong hold on the
loyalty and affection of our people, with whose vital in-
terests he has identified himself. So the movement of
which you are a promoter has my best sympathies. Asa
slight tribute of my admiration for the noble Lord Ripon,

170

RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON.

I beg to subscribe Rs. 3,000 to the Ripon Memorial
Fund.” (Cheers.) For the sentiments of his Highness the
Jam Saheb Vibhajee of Jamnuggur, you can judge best
when I tell you that he with his Kuvar Jasvatsingjee has
subscribed Rs. 10,000 to the Ripon Memorial. The Tha-
kore Sahebs of Rajkote and Katosan have also subscribed.
My friend Mr. Hurkissondas has just this moment received
a telegram from H. H. The Thakore Saheb of Limree, the
Hon. Jesvatsinghjee, subscribing Rs. 5,000 to the Ripon
Memorial. A deputation from the great meeting of Shola-
pore, which was presided over by Mr. Satyendranath Ta-
jore, has attended here. Also another deputation from
Khandesh. Well, gentlemen, these two months will be
an epoch and a bright page in Indian history, and we shall
be for ever proud that we had the good fortune to have
had a share in honouring the great name of Ripon. ( Loud
and prolonged eheers.)

III.

THE FAWCETT MEMORIAL MEETING-

— —

The following speech was delivered befor the public meet-
ings of the inhabitants of Bombay , held in the Town Hall,
on the 2nd September , 1885, convened by the Bombay
Presidency Association for the purpose of taking steps to
raise a memorial to the late Professor Fawcett. His Ex-
cellency Lord Reay, Governor of Bombay , in the Chair.

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was greeted with loud
and prolonged cheers, said : — Your Excellency, Ladies and
Gentlemen, — I beg to propose that a committee be formed
to take necessary steps for collecting funds for the
memorial, and for deciding what form the memorial should
take, Mr. P. M. Mehta, the Hon’ble K. T. Telang, Messrs.
D. E. Wacha, It. M. Sayani, and Yundrawandas Pur-
shotumdas acting as honorary secretaries to the fund. I
take this proposition in hand with more grief than delight.
1 knew Professor Fawcett personally, and I know what
loss we have suffered. There is a great deal that is always
made public and appreciated by the public as far as it is
known, but there is a great deal that is done by good men
which never sets the light of publication, and which
consequently is never appreciated. I give my personal
experience of the worth of this great man, which will show
you that, whereas in a public way he has done a great
deal of good, he has also privately and behind the scenes
been proved as useful a friend of India as ever any man
has been. To give my own personal reminiscences of one or
two incidents, I can tell you that when I appeared before

172

RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON.

the Finance Committee in England in 1873, I had per-
haps the rashness of writing a letter beforehand of what
I wanted to give my evidence upon. What I said there,
somehow or other, did not suit Mr. Ayrton, the
chairman of the committee, and he hindered and

hampered me in every way. Before I went to
the committee I saw Mr. Fawcett, who was always sympa-
thising with us, and I laid before him the notes which I
wanted to submit to the committee. He considered them
very carefully and told me that that was the very thing
that ought to be brought to the committee. But, strange
to say, that when I went before the committee Mr. Ayrton
chose to decide that that was just the thing that was not
to be brought before the committee. On the first day I
was hardly able to give evidence of what I wanted to say.
But the next day, when it came to Mr. Fawcett’s turn to
examine me, in a series of judicious and pointed questions,
he brought out all that [ had to say in a brief and clear
manner. You will see from this that although such little
incidents scarcely become public, they are in themselves not
without their value. He did, in fact, an invaluable service
in enabling a native of India to say all that he wanted to
say, whether it was right or wrong. Here is an instance
of the justice and fearlessness with which he wanted to
treat this country. {Cheers.) Fancy a noble commanding
figure standing on the floor of the House of Commons res-
pectfully listened to by the whole House, pleading the
cause of hundreds of millions of people whom he had not
seen, pleading as effectively as any of India’s own sons
could ever do {cheers), holding like unto the blind deity of
justice the scales in his hands even between friends and
foes in small matters and in great. {Loud cheers.) That is

THE FAWCETT MEMORIAL MEETING.

17a

the blind man we have assembled to-day to honour. You
can easily perceive how many a time, as I saw him
pleading our cause, 1 felt a sort of awe and venera-
tion as for a superior being. (Cheers.) In his

speeches he never stooped to catch a momentary
applause, but he always spoke in sober language words of
wisdom — words that sprang from his inner conviction —
that in their turn carried conviction to every one around
him. (Cheers.) We are told that where good men stand
the ground becomes holy. Here his influence and his
words reach and permeate the whole atmosphere, and
whoever breathes the atmosphere catches something of
that goodness and that sincerity towards nature and God.
He was one of those men who not only in the senate stood
firm and bold and dealt out even justice to friend and foe
alike, but on the stumping platform too he was the same
considerate man, who never uttered a word to sink into
the vulgar crowd, but always tried to raise them to a
level higher and better than they were before he spoke.
He himself, we know, had grappled the subject of Indian
problems with perfect clearness and in all their details. He
learned from Anglo-Indians, but he subsequently became
the teacher of all Anglo-Indians. He told them that the
time was coming when the policy of the British adminis-
tration should be entirely changed, that the way
in which British India was governed was not the
way in which it was fit to be governed by a
nation of Englishmen. He understood and always
declared that he belonged to a nation to whom
India was confided in the providence of God for their care
and help. He felt himself to be one of that nation, and
he felt the instinct of Englishmen to do that only which

174

RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON.

was just and right, and to receive the glory derived from
the advancemtnt of civilization and by the raising of man-
kind instead of trampling them down under foot. He
felt that duty as an Englishman, and he earnestly and
devotedly performed that duty as far as one man of abili-
ty and earnestness could ever do. ( Cheers .) We are now
threatened with a permanent addition to the expenditure
of some two millions. Do those statesmen who make such
a proposal at all think of what they are about ? Fawcett’s
voice from the grave now rises once again, and we are
reminded of his words in connection with the Licence
Tax. He said that if such an odious and unjust tax had
been imposed, it was because no better one could be subs-
tituted in its place, and he further stated that when the
time came for them to impose another tax, the Govern-
ment would be reduced to great straits, and they would
have to impose a tax as must end in disaster and serious
peril. (Cheers.) The statesmen who are now thinking of
imposing the additional burden of expenditure must bear
in mind the words of this great man, ponder over them,
and carefully consider how far they can impose further
burdens on the extremely poor people of India. (Cheers.)
When I say the people are extremely poor, the words are
not mine, but those of Mr. Fawcett and many other emi-
nent statesmen. I do not want to detain the audience any
longer, but I will only say the man is dead, but his words
will remain ; and 1 only hope that he will inspire others to
follow in his footsteps and to earn the blessings of hun-
dreds of millions of the people of this country. (Loud
and 'prolonged cheers.)

IV

INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL ELECTION-

(1886.)

The following speech was delivered before a meeting of
the members of the Bombay Presidency Association , held in
the rooms of the Association on Tuesday evening , the 2§th
September , 1885. Mr. (now Sir) Dinsha Maneckji Petit in
the Chair .

The Hon. Dadabhai Naorcji proposed: — “That the
following candidates, on account of their services and
opinions publicly expressed by them on Indian questions,
are deserving of the support of the Indian people: — The
Right Honourable Mr. John Bright, the Marquis of
Hartington, Mr. J. Slagg, Sir J. Phear, Mr. L. Ghose,
Mr. W. Digby, Mr. W. S. Blunt, Mr. S. Keay, Mr.
S. Laing, Captain Verney, and Mr. W. C. Plowden, That
th’e views regarding Indian questions publicly expressed
by the following candidates cannot be approved by the
people of India, and these candidates cannot be accepted
as representing Indian interests : — Sir Richard Temple,
Mr. J. M. Maclean, Mr. A. S. Ayrton, Sir Lewis Pell} 7 ,
and Sir Roper Lethbridge.” He said : — I speak to the
motion which is placed in my hands with a deep sense
of its importance. Hitherto it has been, and it will
be so generally, that the English people can mostly derive
their information about India from Anglo-Indians,
official and non-official, but chiefly from the former. But
there are Anglo-Indians and Anglo-Indians. Some, but
their number is small, have used their eyes rightly, have

176

RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON.

looked beyond the narrow circle of their own office, have
sympathised with the natives, and tried to understand
them and to find out their true wants and aspirations.
Unfortunately the larger number of Anglo-Indians do not
take such wide views, or such interest in the natives as
would enable them to judge rightly of the actual condi-
tion of India. Now, when we consider of what extreme
importance it is to us that the people of England should
have correct information of our condition and wants ; bow
almost entirely we have to depend upon the people and
Parliament of England to make those great reforms which
alone can remove the serious evils from which we are
suffering, it is no ordinary necessity for us

that we should take some steps, by which we

may inform the great British public, on which sources
of information they could rely with any confidence. As
I have said, the number of those who have the necessary
true experience and interest in the natives is very small.
It is extremely necessary that such should be pointed out
by us. We also find that several Englishmen visiting
India, as impartial observers, without any bias or prejudi-
ces, have often formed a more correct estimate of the posi-
tion and necesssities of India than many an Anglo-Indian
of the so-called experience of twenty or thirty years. Even
some, who have not been here at all, form fair and just
estimates. It is not always that we can approach the Bri-
tish people in a way so as to secure the general attention
of the whole nation at the same time. The present occa-
sion of the new elections is one of those rare occasions in
which we can appeal to the whole nation, and especially
in a way most useful for our purpose. It is in Parliament
that our chief battles have to be fought. The election of

India’s interest in the general election. (1886.) 177

its members, especially those who profess to speak 012
Indian matters, requires our earnest attention, and we
should point out clearly to the electors, which of those
candidates, who make India a plank in their credentials,,
have our confidence. We do not at all intend to influence
the electors in any way in matters of their choice of the
representatives that suit them best for their local politics.
What we desire to impress upon them is, that so far as the
important element of the deliberations on Indian questions
is concerned, we desire to name those candidates who are
deserving of our confidence and support, and on whom we
can rely as would fairly and righteously represent our real
wants and just rights before Parliament. It is with this
object that I ask you to adopt the resolution before you.
The first name in our resolution is the bright name of the
Right Honourable Mr. John Bright. Now, I do not cer-
tainly presume that I can say anything, or that our asso-
ciation can do anything that can in the least add to the
high position Mr. Bright occupies. What I say, therefore,
is not with any view that we give any support to him,
but as an expression of our esteem and admiration, and
of our gratitude for the warm and righteous interest he
has evinced on our behalf. I would not certainly take up
your time in telling you what he is and what he has
done. His fame and name are familiar to the wide world.

I may simply refer to a few matters concerning our-
selves. Our great charter is the gracious Proclamation
of the Queen. That proclamation is the very test by,
which we test friends or foes ; and it is Mr. Bright, who
first proposed and urged the duty and necessity of issuing,
such a proclamation, at a time when the hea,ds of many
were bewildered and lost, in his speech on the India Bill
12

178

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

in 1858. I should not tarry long on the tempting subject,
for, if I went on quoting from Mr. Bright’s speeches,
to show what he has done more than a quarter of a
century ago, asking for us what we have been only
latterly beginning to give utterance to, I might detain
you for hours. I must, however, give you a few short
extracts, showing both the earnestness and the intense
sense of justice of the man. “The people of India,” he
said, “ have the highest and strongest claims upon you —
claims which you cannot forget — claims which if you do
not act upon, you may rely upon it that, if there be a
judgment for nations — as I believe there is, as for in-
dividuals — our children in no distant generation must
pay the penalty which we have purchased by neglecting
our duty to the populations of India.” In his speech of
1853, on the occasion of the renewal of the E. I. Com-
pany’s charter, referring to the miserable condition of
the masses of India, he said : — “ I must say that it is
my belief that if a country be found possessing a most
fertile soil and capable of bearing every variety of pro-
duction, and that notwithstanding, the people are in a
state of extreme destitution and suffering, the chances
are that there is some fundamental error in the govern-
ment of that country.” When, may I ask, will our
rulers see this “ fundamental error ?” I have purposely
confined myself to his older utterances sc far, that we
may fully appreciate the righteous advocacy at a time
when our own voice was feeble and hardly heard at all.
You will allow me to make one reference to his later
words, and you will see how he is yet the same man
and the same friend of India. In his “ Public Letters,”
in a letter written by him last year to a gentleman at

INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL ELECTION. (1886.) 179

'Calcutta, he says : — “ It is to me a great mystery that
England should be in the position she now is in rela-
tion to India. 1 hope it may be within the ordering
of Providence that ultimately good may arise from it.

I am convinced that this can only come from the most
just Government which we are able to confer upon
your countless millions, and it will always be a duty and
a pleasure to me to help forward any measure that may
tend to the well-being of your people.” The Marquis of
Hartington also occupies a position to which we can
hardly add anything. But as we have during his State
Secretaryship of India observed his disposition towards
a due appreciation of and fulfilment of the noble princi-
ples of the Proclamation, and his emphatic identifying
himself with the righteous Ripon policy at a time of
crucial trial — during the excitement of the Ilbert Bill —
we cannot but take this opportunity of expressing our
thanks and our confidence in him. To assure you the
more fully of this duty upon us, you will permit me to
read a few words on this very topic from his speech of
23rd August, 1883. After pointing out the insufficiency
of the administration, and the inability cf India to afford
more for it, he said : — “ If the country is to be better
governed, that can only be done by the employment of
the best and most intelligent of the natives in the service.
There is a further reason, in my opinion, why this
policy should be adopted, and that is, that it is not wise
to educate the people of India, to introduce among them,
your civilization and your progress and your literature,
and at the same time to tell them, they shall never have
any chance of taking any part or share in the admin-
istration of the .affairs - of their country except by their

180

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

getting rid, in the first instance, of their European rulers.

I cannot refrain myself from expressing my deep regret
that we are not able to include in our present list a name
that stands pre-eminently high as one of our best friends
— L mean Mr. Fawcett. But I trust you will allow me
to give a few short extracts, as a warning and a voice
from the grave, of one who had the welfare of the poor
and dumb millions at heart. Though he is dead his spirit
may guide our other friends, and our rulers. 1 give
these extracts as specially bearing on the present disas-
trous move of imposing a permanent additional annual
burden of some two to three erores of rupees upon us,
and on the whole India,n problem. With reference to
the Afghan policy he said in 1879 : — “ It cannot be too
strongly insisted upon that in the existing financial
condition of India, no peril can be more serious than the
adoption of a policy, which, if it should lead to a large-
additional expenditure, would sooner or later necessitate
an increase of taxation. . . The additional taxa-

tion which must be the inevitable accompaniment of
increased expenditure will bring upon India the gravest
perils.” Again — The question, however, as to the exact
proportion in which the cost of pursuing a forward policy
in Afghanistan should be borne by England and India
respectively will have again to be considered anew, now
that it has become necessary to renew hostilities in
Afghanistan.” These words apply with equal force to-
day when we are threatened with a large unnecessary
additional burden. On the subject of the whole Indian
problem, he said : — “ Although there is much in the
present financial condition of India to cause the most
erious apprehension, yet there is one circumstance

India’s interest in the general election. (1886.) 181

connected with it which may fairly be regarded as a most
hopeful omen for the future. Until quite lately, India
was looked upon as an extremely wealthy country, and
there was no project, however costly, that India was not
supposed to be rich enough to pay for. Now, however,
juster ideas of the resources of the country and of the
condition of the people prevail. The recurrence of
famines. . . . have at length led the English public

to take firm hold of the fact that India is an extremely
poor country, and that the great mass of her people are
in such a state of impoverishment that the Government
will have to contend with exceptional difficulties if it
becomes necessary to procure increased revenue by addi-
tional taxation.” “ Without an hour’s delay the fact
should be recognized that India is not in a position to
pay for various services at their present rate of remunera-
tion. A most important saving might be effected by
more lar gel }>■ employing natives in positions which are

■now filled by highly paid Europeans, and from such a.
change political as well as financial advantages would
result.” “ The entire system in which the Government
of India is conducted must be changed. The illusion is
•only just beginning to pass away that India is an ex-
tremely wealthy country.” “ The financial condition of
India is one of such extreme peril that economy is not
■only desirable but is a matter of imperative necessity.”
“ No misfortune which could happen to India could be
greater than having to make her people bear the burden
of increased taxation.” “ In order to restore the finances
of India and prevent them drifting into hopeless em-
barrassment, it is absolutely essential that the policy of
* rigid economy in every branch of the public service ’

182

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOBOJI.

which has been recently announced by the Government'
should be carried out with promptitude and thoroughness. ,r
This policy was announced by the Conservative Govern-
ment and now all this is forgotten and the Conservative
Government are proposing to burden us with additional
expenditure of two or three millions, or may be more T
We cannot too strongly protest against this. In all the
extracts I have read you will perceive the kind of policy
which our friends have urged, and this test, or as I may
shortly call, the Royal Proclamation policy, is the
principal one by which we may discriminate friends from
those who either from ignorance or narrow-minded
selfishness advocate a different policy. Judging by this
test, 1 may say that all the other names in the first part
of the resolution are fairly entitled to our confidence and
to an appeal from us to the constituencies to return them
to Parliament as far as our interests are concerned..
Their writings show that they have a good grasp of our
position and wants. I may refer to Mr. Slagg’s views-
and efforts to abolish the India Council. Nothing can
be more absurd than that in the nineteenth Century and
in England itself, the first home of public and free dis-
cussion upon all public matters, there should exist a body
to deliberate secretly upon the destinies of a sixth of the
human race ! It is an utter anachronism. Mr. Slag^’s-
laudable and persistent efforts to get an inquiry into the
Government of India promises to be successful. Messrs.
Slagg, Digby, Keay, Blunt, and Yernev’s writings show
that they understand us and have done us good service-
About Mr. Lai Mohun Ghose I need not say more than
that he is the only one through whom the Indians will
now have a chance of speaking for themselves. I : have

INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL 1 LECTION. (1886.) 183

every hope that he will do justice to himself, and fulfil
the expectations whicii India has rested on him by honest
and hard work for the welfare of his country. We must
feel very thankful to the electors of Greenwich for giving
him such welcome and sympathy as they have done.
They have shown remarkable lib*rality 7 , vindicated the
English spirit of justice and philanthropy, have held out
a hand to us of equal citizenship, and nobly confirmed the
sincerity of the Royal Proclamation, by their action as a
part of the English nation. Mr. Laing has, I am afraid,
some incorrect notions about the balance of the trade of
India, but we know that he understands India well and
will continue to be useful in promoting our welfare.
Sir John Phear and Mr. Plowden are known to us
for their sympathies with us. Sir John Phear’s book
“ The Aryan Village,” shows much sympathetic
study of the country and its institutions, and he
proved our friend at the time of the Ilbert
Bill. He said “ We have a higher duty to India than
to consult the prejudices of this kind of a few thousands
of our own countrymen, who are there to-day, but may be
gone to-morrow. We have to govern that vast empire in
the interest of the millions who constitute the indigenous
population of the country.” Mr. Plowden says, with refer-
ence to Lord Ripon’s policy 7 : — “ I know it to be just, I
know it also to be honest and earnest, I believe it to be
sound and thoroughly practical.” I next come to our second
list. As I have already 7 said, we do not ask the constituen-
cies not to return them if they are suitable to them on other
grounds. We only ask that whatever weight the electors
may give to their other qualifications, they would not take
them as fair exponents or trustworthy interpreters of India’s

184 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

wants and just wishes, and as favouring us by electing
them. With regard to Sir R. Temple I need say nothing
more than that he endeavours to produce the wrong and
mischievous impression upon the minds of the English people
that India is prosperous and increasing in prosperity,
in the teeth of the early and latest testimony of eminent
men and in the teeth of facts. Mr. Fawcett told that the
illusion was passing away, while Sir Richard keeps It up l
I do not advert to some of his acts in India, such as the
strange contrast of 2 lbs. rations in Bengal and the disas-
trous 1 lb. ration famine policy here, probably to please
higher authorities — his high-handedness, his treatment of
the local funds, &c., &c. I confine myself to an utterance
or two of his after leaving India. It is strange that a
quarter of a century ago Mr. Richard Temple was able to
take and express a remarkably intelligent view of the
Indian problem. In connection with the Punjab he ex-
pounded the causes of Punjab’s poverty and revival in his
report of 1859 in these significant and clear words : — “ In
former reports it was explained how the circumstance of
so much money going out of the Punjab contributed to
depress the agriculturist. The native regular army was
Hindustani, to them was a large share of the Punjab reve-
nue disbursed, of which a part only they spent on the
spot and a part was remitted to their homes. Thus it was
that year after year, lakhs and lakhs were drained from
the Punjab, and enriched Oudh. But within the last year
the native army being Punjabee, all such sums have been
paid to them, and have been spent at home. Again, many
thousands of Punjabee soldiers are serving abroad. These
men not only remit their savings, but also have sent quan-
tities of prize property and plunder, the spoils of Hindus-

•INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL ELECTION. (1886.) 185

tan, to their native villages. The effect of all this is already
perceptible in an increase of agricultural capital, a freer
circulation of money and a fresh impetus to cultivation.”
Now, gentlemen, am 1 not justified in saying that it is
strange that what Mr. Richard Temple of twenty -five years
past saw so intelligently, about Punjab, Sir Richard Tem-
ple of the present day does not or would not see about
India, whence, not merely “ lakhs and lakhs ” but hun-
dreds and hundreds of lakhs — thirty hundred or so lakhs
are drained to England. He cannot, it appears, now grasp
the problem of India as he did that of the Punjab. I can-
not undertake to explain this phenomenon. What may
be the reason or object ? He alone can explain. As he is
presently doing mischief by posing as a friend, I can only
say “ save us from such a friend.” We cannot but speak
out, however unwillingly, that Sir Richard Temple is not
a safe and correct guide for the people of England for
India’s wants and wishes. While Bright in ’53, Lawrence
in ’64 and ’73, Fawcett in ’79, the London Pvnch's grand
cartoon of Disillusion in ’79 pourtraying the wretched
Indian woman and children, with the shorn pagoda tree
over their heads, begging alms of John Bull, Hunter in ’80,
Baring in ’82, deplore the impoverishment of the masses
of India, Sir Richard in a fine phrenzv talks in ’85 “ of
their homes becoming happier, their acres broader, their
harvest; richer.” “ India is prospering, that there is no
lack of subsistence, no shrinkage of occupation, no discon-
tent with the wages at home, and in consequence no search-
ing for wages abroad.” And yet some light-hearted peo-
ple coolly talk of sending him as a Viceroy
here! No greater misfortune could befall to India !
About Mr. Maclean I need not say much as you are all

186 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

well aware, that he has been throughout his whole career
in India a thorough partisan and an avowed and deter-
mined anti-native, with a few rare intervals of fairness.
He can never be a fair and trustworthy interpreter of
our views and wishes. He off-handedly says in his letter
in the Bombay Gazette of 9th June last: “Mr. Slagg

recited the usual rubbish about the deplorable poverty
and overtaxation of the Indian people.” So you see,,
gentlemen, who Mr. Maclean is. He is a great man
before whom the views of such persons as Bright, Fawcett,
Lawrence, the Punch , and Baring are all mere rubbish 1
Mr. Ayrton’s whole policy can be summed up in a few
words—trent natives gently, but give them no posts of
power or responsibility, have no legislative councils with
non-official element, and if ) 7 ou have, put no natives in
them. He says: — “The power of governing must re-
main, as it had hitherto been, solely and exclusively in
the hands of British subjects going out of this country.”
“ Why were we to teach the natives, what they had failed
in discovering for themselves, that they would one day
be a great nation.” This un-English narrow-mindedness
and purblindness is the worst thing that can happen to
England and India both, and according to it all that the
best and highest English statesmen, and even our
Sovereign have promised and said about high duty,
justice, policy, &c., must become so many empty words,,
hollow promises, and all sham and delusion. My personal
relations with Sir L. Pelly at Baroda were, as you know,,
friendly, but the reason of his name appearing in this list
is that he was an instrument of Lord Lytton’s Afghan
policy, and that as far as his views may have coincided
with the: Lytton policy, he cannot fairly represent otir

India’s interest in the general election. ( 1886 .) 187

views against that policy. About Sir Roper Lethbridge^
I was under the impression that when he was Press
Commissioner, he was regarded as one sympathising with
the natives. But when the day of the crucial trial came,,
the Ilberb Bill and the Ripon policy, he was then found
out that his views were anything but what would be just,,
fair and sympathising towards the natives of India. In
addition to the names I have mentioned, I am required to-
mention Sir James Fergusson, and I cannot but agree to
do so though with some reluctance. I .have personally
much respect for him, and I do not forget that he has
done some good. In the matter of the native princes he
enunciated a correct principle some eighteen years ago
when he was Under-Secretary of State for India. Presid-
ing at a meeting of the East India Association, 1867, he
said : — “ It is earnestly to be hoped that the princes of
India look upon the engagements of the British Queen as
irrevocable, ” and I believe he consistently carried out this
principle when here with the princes of this Presidency.
We cannot also forget that when acting upon his own
instincts he did good in matters of education and social
intercourse, and nominated to the Legislative Council
our friends the Hon. Bu.lroodeen and the Hon. Telang
as representati ves , of the educated class, retaining also the
Hon. Mundlik. You can easily conceive then my reluc-
tance to speak against him, notwithstanding some mis-
takes and failures in his administration as Governor
under official misguidance. But when I see that after
his arrival in England he has made statements so incor-
rect and mischievous in results, in some matters mos{j
vital to India, it is incumbent upon us to say that he
does not know the true state of India. Fancy, gentlemen,.

188

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

my regret and surprise when I read these words from the
latest Governor of Bombay : — “ At the present time her
(India’s) people were not heavily taxed, and it was a great
mistake to suppose that they were.” This is a matter of
easy ascertainment, and the heaviness of taxation is re-
peated by acknowledged eminent men. Here are a few
figures which will tell their own tale. The income of the
United Kingdom may be roughly taken at <£1,200,000,000
and its gross revenue about £87,000,000, giving a propor-
tion of about 7^ per cent, of the income. Of British India the
income is hardly £400,000,000 and its gross revenue about
£70,000,000 giving 17| per cent, of the income, and yet
Sir James tells the English people that the people of
India are not heavily taxed, though paying out of this
wretched income, a gross revenue of more than double
the proportion of what the people of the enormously rich
England pay for their gross revenue. Contrast with
Sir James’s statement the picture which Mr. Fawcett
gives in his paper in the Nineteenth Century , of October,
1879 : — “ If a comparison is made between the financial
resources of England and India, it will be found almost
impossible to convey an adequate idea of the poverty of
the latter country * * and consequently it is found that
'taxation in India has reached almost its extreme limits .”
Again he says : “ It is particularly worthy of remark

that the Viceroy and Secretary of State now unreservedly
accept the conclusion that the limit of taxation has been
reached in India , and that it has consequently become im-
peratively necessary that expenditure should be reduced.”
(The italics are mine.) Now, gentlemen, mark this parti-
cularly. When in 1879 the Conservative Viceroy and
Secretary of State had* as Mr. Fawcett says, unreservedly

INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL ELECTION. (1886.) 189

accepted that the limit of taxation had been reached in
India, the gross revenue was only <£65,000,000 while the
budgetted revenue of the present year is already <£72,000,
000, and we are now threatened by the same Government
with an addition of £2,000,000 or £3,000,000 more perma-
nently. This is terrible. Change the entire system as Mr.
Fawcett says, substitute for the present destructive
foreign agency, the constructive and conservative native
agency, except for the higher posts of povver, and you
can have a hundred millions or two hundred millions
with ease for purposes of government or taxation. This
is the difference between Fawcett and Fergusson. Both
are gentlemen, but the former speaks from careful hard
study, the latter without it. Mischievous as such state-
ments grenerally are, they are still more so v/hen deli-
vered before a Manchester audience, who unfortunately
yet do not understand their own true interests, and the
interests of the English workmen. They do not under-
stand yet that their greatest interest is in increasing the
ability of the Indians to buy their manufactures. That
if India were able to buy a pound worth of their cotton
manufactures per head per annum, that would give them
a trade of £250,000,000 a year instead of the present
poor imports into India of £25,000,000 of cotton yarn
and manufactures from all foreign countries of the world.
Sir James, I think, has made another statement that all
offices in India are occupied by the natives except the
highest. I am not able to put my hand just now upon
the place where I read it. But if my impression be cor-
rect, I would not waste words and your time to animadvert
upon such an extraordinary incorrect statement, so utterly
contrary to notorious facts. Why, it is the head and

190

SPEECHES OF DADABPIAI NAOROJI.

front, the very soul of ali our evils and grievances that
the statement is not the fact or reality as it ought to
be. This is the very thing which will put an end to all
our troubles, and remedy all our evils of poverty and
otherwise. Let Sir James bring it about, and he will be
our greatest benefactor and England’s best friend. In
concluding, I may lay down a test for our appeal to the
electors, that whichever candidates are not in accord with
the Royal Proclamation, and with the lines of the Ripon
policy, they are those whom we ask to be not regarded as-
trustworthy and fair interpreters of our views and wishes.
The resolution has Mr. Blunt’s name in the first list and
Mr. Aryton’s in the second. This will show that we are
not actuated by a spirit of partisanship. Whoever are
our real friends, be they Liberal or Conservative, we call
them our friends. Differences of opinion in some details
will no doubt occur between us and our friends, but we.
are desirous to support them, because the broad and im-
portant lines of policy, which India needs, such as those
of the Proclamation and the Ripon policy, and the broad
and important facts of our true condition, are well under-
stood and adopted by those friends for their guidance in
their work for the welfare of India. {Applause.)

INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION.

The following speech was delivered before a Conference
which took place at the Offices of the Society for the Sup-
pression of the Opium Trade , Broadway Chambers , West-
minster on Monday afternoon , October \§th, 1886, to have d
frank interchange of opinion with the Hon'hle Dadabhai
Naoroji , M, L. C., and other Indian gentlemen on the sub-
ject of the Opium Trade with special reference to its Indian
aspects : —

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji said, — 1 have listened to the
remarks of the gentlemen with very great interest, for
the simple reason that I am almost of the same opinion.
The best proof that I can give to you, not only of my
own mere sentiments, but of my actual conduct in respect
to opium, is that when I joined a mercantile firm in 1855,
it was one of my conditions that I should have nothing
whatever to do with opium. That is as far back as 1855.
In 1880, in my correspondence with the Secretary of
State on the condition of India, one of the paragraphs in
my letter with regard to the opium trade is this ; and I
think that this will give you at once an idea of my
opinion : —

“ There is the opium trade. What a spectacle it is
to the world! In England, no statesman dares to propose
that opium may be allowed to be sold in public-houses at
the corners of every street, in the same way as beer or
spirits. On the contrary, Parliament, as representing the
whole nation, distinctly enacts that ‘ opium and all prepa^

192

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

rations of opium or of poppies,’ as ‘ poison bo sold by
certified chemists only, and ‘ every box, bottle, vessel ,
wrapper, or cover in which such poison is contained, be
distinctly labelled with the name of the article, and tho
word 44 poison,” and with the name and address of the
seller of the poison. And yet, at the other end of the
world, this Christian, highly civilized, and humane Eng^
land forces a 4 heathen ’ and 4 barbarous ’ Power to take
this 4 poison,’ and tempts a vast human race to use it,,
and to degenerate and demoralize themselves with this
4 poison !’ And why ? Because India cannot fill up the
remorseless drain ; so China must be dragged in to make it
up, even though it be by being 4 poisoned.’ It is wonder-
ful how England reconciles this to her conscience. This
opium trade is a sin on England’s head, and a curse on
India for her share in being the instrument. This may
sound strange as coming from any natives of India, as it
is generally represented as if India it was that benefited
by the opium trade. The fact simply is that, as Mr. Duff
said, India is nearly ground down to dust, and the opium
trade of China fills up England’s drain. India derives
not a particle of benefit. All India’s profits of trade,
and several millions from her very produce (scanty as it
is, and becoming more and more so), and with these all
the profit of opium go the same way of the drain — to
England. Only India shares the curse of the Chinese
race. Had this cursed opium trade not existed, India’s
miseries would have much sooner come to the surface,
and relief and redress would have come to her long ago ;
but this trade has prolonged the agonies of India.”

In this I have only just explained to you what I feel
on the matter personally. With regard to the whole of

INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION.

193

the important question, which must be looked at in a
practical point of view, I must leave sentiment aside. I
must, at the same time, say that this opinion of mine that
the opium revenue must be abolished is a personal one. I
do not put it before you as the opinion of all India. I
state it on my Own responsibility. There is a great fear
that if the opium revenue were to cease, the people of
India would be utterly unable to fill up the gap in the
revenue. They feel aghast at the very suggestion of it, and
they go so far as to say that the opium revenue cannot be
dispensed with. I just tell you what is held there, so that
you may understand both sides of the question thoroughly.
Therefore you have not the complete sympathy of the
natives of India in this matter, and you will find, perhaps,
several members of the Indian press expressing their opi-
nion that they could not dispense with the opium revenue.
In fact, Mr. Grand Duff, in answer to some representation
from your Society, or somebody interested in the abolition
of the opium trade, has asked, in 1870, whether they
wished to grind an already poor population to the dust. So
that he showed that even with the help of the opium reve-
nue India was just on the verge of being ground down to
the dust. This, then, is the condition in which India is
situated. The question is how to practically deal with it.
Before you can deal with any such subject it is necessary
for you to take into consideration the whole Indian prob-’
lemi — What has been the condition of India, and what is
the condition of India, and why has it been so? Mr.
Dadabhai then cited official authorities from the commence-
ment of the present century up to the present day, includ-
ing that of the late and present Finance Ministers, that
British India had been all along exteremely poor.” He
13

194

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

pointed out the exceedingly low income of India, viz., only
Rs. 20 per head per annum, as compared with that of any
tolerably well self-governed country ; that a progressive
and civilizing government ought to have increased reve-
nue ; but India was utterly unable to yield such increas-
ing revenue. He explained how, comparatively with
its income, the pressure of taxation upon the subjects
of British India was doubly heavier than that of Eng-
land ; that of England being about 8 per cent, of its in-
come, and of British India about 15 per cent, of its in-
come ; that England paid from its plenty, and India from
its exceedingly poor income, so that the effect on British
Indian subjects was simply crushing. He pointed out
that while the trade with British India was generally
supposed to be very large, it was in reality very small and
wretched indeed. He illustrated this by some statistics,
showing that the exports of British produce to India was
only about 30,000,000^., of which a portion went to the
Native States of India and to part of Asia, through the
northern border, leaving hardly a rupee a head worth for
the subjects of British India. This certainly could not
be a satisfactory result of a hundred years of British rule,
with everything under British control. A quarter of a
century ago, he said, Mr. Bright had used these remark-
able words : “ I must say that it is my belief that if a

country be found possessing a most fertile soil, and capable
of bearing every variety of production, and that, notwith-
standing, the people are in a state of extreme destitution
and suffering, the chances are that there is some funda-
mental error in the government of that country.” Mr.
Dadabhai urged that the Society should find out this funda-
mental error, and unless they did that, and made India

INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION.

195

prosperous, they could not expect to gain their benevolent
object of getting rid of the opium revenue except by causing
India to be ground down to dust by increased taxation in
other shapes. This of course the Society did not mean,
thus they ought to go to the root of the evil. India was
quite capable of giving 200 instead of 70 millions of
revenue, if they were allowed to keep what they produced,
and to develop freely in their material condition ; and in
such a condition India would be quite able to dispense
with the curse of the opium revenue. Mr. Dadabhai then
proceeded to point out what he regarded as the cause of
the poverty of British India. He cited several authorities
upon the subject, and showed it was simply that the
employment of a foreign agency caused a large drain to
the country, disabling it from saving any capital at all,
and rendering it weaker and weaker every day, forcing it
to resort to loans for its wants, and becoming worse and
worse in its economic condition. He explained at some
length the process and effect of this fundamental evil, and
how even what was called the “ development ” of the
resources of India was actually thereby turned into the
result of the “ deprivation ” of the resources of India. In
pointing out a practicable remedy for all the evils, he said
he did not mean that a sudden revolution should be made ;
but the remedy which had been pointed out by a Committee
of the India Office in 1860 would be the best thing to do,
to meet all the requirements of the case. After alluding
to the Act of 1833 and the great Proclamation of 1858, a
faithful fulfilment of which would be the fulfilment of all
India’s desires and wants, he said that the Committee of
the India Office to which he had referred had recommended
that simultaneous examinations should be held in India

196

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

and England, and the list be made up according to merit ;
and he added to this scheme, that the successful candidates
of the first examination should be made to come over to
England and finish their studies for two years with the
successful candidates of England. This was the resol ution
of the National Indian Congress which met last Christmas
in Bombay. It was also necessary that some scope should
be given to the military races to attach them to the Bri-
tish rule. If this fair play and justice were given to the
natives in all the higher Civil Services and if some fair
competition system v/ere adopted for all the unconvenanted
and subordinate services, India would have fair play, and
free development of herself would become prosperous,
would be able to give as much revenue as a progressive
and a civilizing administration should want, and then only
would the philanthropic object of the Society be fully
achieved. Otherwise, if India continued as wretched a &
she was at present, there was no chance of the object being
attained except by great distress to the Indian themselves-
and grave political dangers to the British rulers, or the
whole may end in some great disaster. Mr. Dadabhai
was glad that British statesmen were becoming alive te
this state of affairs, and the highest Indian authority T
the Secretary of State, fully shared his appreciation of the
position, wheui he wrote to the Treasury on the 26th cf
. January last ; “ The position of India in relation to taxa-
tion and the sources cf the public revenue, is very peculiar,
not merely . . . but likewise from the character of

the government, which is in the hands of foreigners, who
hold all the principal administrative offices, and form so
large a part cf the army. The imposition of new taxation
which would have to be borne wholly as a consequence of

INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION.

197

the foreign rule imposed on the country, and virtually to
meet additions to charges arising outside of the country,
would constitute a political danger, the real magnitude of
which, it is to be feared, is not at all appreciated by per-
sons who have no knowledge of, or concern in the govern-
ment of India, but which those responsible for that govern-
ment have long regarded as of the most serious order.”

V.

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN.

[ Address to the Electors of the Eolhorn Division delivered
on the 27th June , 1886, during the general election of that
year in support of his candidature as the Liberal Candidate
for the Eolhorn Division of Finsbury .]

I really do not know how I can thank you from the bot-
tom of my heart, for the permission you have given me
to stand before you as a canditate for your borough.. I
appreciate the honour most highly. I will not take more
of your time on this point, because you may believe me
when I say that I thank you from bottom of my heart. It
is really and truly so. {Cheers.) Standing as I do here,
to represent the 250,000,000 of your fellow-subjects in
India, of course I know thoroughly well my duty ; for I am
returned by you, my first duty will be to consult complete-
ly and fully the interest of my constituents. I do not
want at present to plead the cause of India. I am glad
that that cause has been ably and eloquently pleaded by
our worthy Chairman, by Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, and by Mr.
Bryce. But the time must come, if I am returned, to lay
before you the condition of India — what little we want
from you, and with little we are always satisfied. For the
present, therefore, I would come to the burning question
of the day — the Irish Home Buie. ( Loud cheers.)
“consistent with justice.”

The question now before you is whether Ireland shall
have its Home Buie or not. (“ Yes, yes.”) The details are
a different question altogether. I will therefore confine
myself to those particular points which affect the princi-

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 199

pie of Home Rule. The first thing I will say is something
about Mi*. Gladstone himself. {Loud cheers.) Grand Old
Man he is —{renewed cheers ) — and not only all England,
but all India says so. {Vociferous cheers.) He has been
much twitted that he is inconsistent with himself — that he
has said something some time ago and something different
now. But those that can understand the man can under-
stand how very often a great man may appear inconsist-
ent when in reality he is consistent with truth, justice,
right, and has the courage of his convictions. Mr. Glad-
stone thought something at one time, but as circumstances
changed, and new light came, and new power was wielded
by the Irish people, he saw that this change of circumstan-
ces required a reconsideration of the whole question. He
came to the conclusion that the only remedy for this dis-
cord between two sisters was to let the younger sister have
her own household. (Cheers.) When he saw that he had'
the courage of his conviction, the moral courage to come
forward before the world and say, “ 1 see that this is the
remedy : let the English nation adopt it.” And I have no
doubt that they will adopt it.

“incompatible with tyranny.”

I have lived in this country actually for twenty years,
and my entire connection in business with England has
been thirty years, and I say that if there is one thing more
certain than another that I have learned, it is that the
English nation is incompatible with tyranny. It will at
times be proud and imperious, and will even carry a wrong
to a long extent ; but the time will come when
it will be disgusted with its own tyranny and
its own wrong. (Cheers.) When once an Englishman sees
his mistake he has the moral courage to rectify it. (Cheers.)

200 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJL

Mr. Gladstone, then, has represented your highest and most
generous instincts, and I have no doubt that, the res-
ponse from the country, sooner or later, must come to the
height of his argument and of his sentiment. The greatest
argument against Home Rule is that it will disintegrate
the Empire. How, it has been a surprise to me how this
word Empire has been so extraordinarily used and abused*

THE NONSENSE OF DISINTEGRATION.

What is the British Empire ? Is it simply Great
Britain and Ireland ? Why it exists over the whole surface
of the world — east, west, north, south — and the sun never
sets upon it. Is that Empire to be broken down, even
though Ireland be entirely separated ? Do you mean to say
that the British Empire hangs only upon the thread of
the Irish will ? (Laughter .) Has England conquered the
British Empire simply because Ireland did it? What
nonsense it is to say that such an Empire could be dis-
integrated, even if unhappily Ireland were separated ! Do
the Colonies hold you in affection because Ireland is with
you ? Is the Indian Empire submissive to you because
you depend upon Ireland ? Such a thing would be the
highest humiliation for the English people to say. (Cheers.)
The next question is, Will Ireland separate ? ( “ No.”)

Well, we may say that because we wish it should not ;
but we must consider it carefully. Let us suppose that
the Irish are something like human beings. ( Laughter
and cheers .) Let us suppose them to be guided by the
ordinary motives of humanity. I put it to you fairly
whether Ireland will separate or not. I say she will not.

HOME RULE HOME LIFE.

What will Ireland, be after it has this Home Rule ?
It will simply have its own household, just as a son who

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 201

has come of age wishes to have a home in which his wife
may be supreme. Ireland simply asks its own household
independence, and that does not in the least mean that
the Empire is disadvantaged. The Imperial concern is in
no way concerned in it. Just as, I and my partner being
in business, I leave the management of the concern to
him. I have confidence in hiip. I know he would not
deprive me of a single farthing ; but as a partner in the
hrm I am not compelled to live with him, nor to submit
myself to him for food and clothing, and the necessaries
•of life. You do not mean to say that, because Ireland has
a separate household, therefore she will also be separated
from the Imperial firm, and that they would have no
connection with each other ? The British Empire still re-
mains, to be shared by them.

THE ANALOGY OF THE COLONIES.

Take the Colonies. They have their own self-
government, as Ireland asks, but there the position of the
Colonies ends. Ireland, with this Parliament granted to
it, will be in a far higher position than the Colonies are.
Ireland will be a part of the ruling power of the British
Empire. She and England will be partners as rulers of
the British Empire, which the Colonies are not. And if
the Irish separate, what are they ? An insignificant
•country. If they should remain separate, and England
&nd America, or England and France should go to war,
they would be crushed. There is a saying among the
Indians that when two elephants fight the trees are up-
rooted. ( Laughter .) What, could Ireland do? It would
not be her interest to sever herself from England, and to
lose the honour of a share in the most glorious Empire
t;hat ever existed on the face of the earth. ( Loud cheers.y

202

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

Do you then for a moment suppose that Ireland will throw
itself down from the high pedestal on which it at present
stands ? It supplies the British Empire with some of its
best statesmen and warriors. (Cheers.) Is this the
country so blind to its own interests that it

will not understand that by leaving England it

throws itself to the bottom of the sea ? With Eng-
land it is the ruler of mankind. I say therefore that
Ireland will never separate from you. (Cheers.) Home
Buie will bring peace and prosperity to them, and they
will have a higher share in the British Empire. (Cheers.)
Depend upon it, gentlemen, if I live ten years more — I
hope 1 shall live — if this Bill is passed, that every one of
you, and every one of the present opponents of Home Buie
will congratulate himself that he did, or allowed to be
done, this justice to Ireland. (Cheers.)

A PEOPLE “ VALIANT, GENEROUS, AND TENDER.”

There is one more point which is important to be
dealt with. I am only confining myself to the principle of
Home Buie. Another objection taken to the Bill is that
the Irish are a bad lot — ( laughter ) — that they are poor,
wretched, ungrateful, and so forth. (“ Who said so ? ”)
Some people say so. (“ Salisbury,” and cheers and hisses.)
We shall see what one says whom you have entrusted with
the rulership of two hundred and fifty millions of people —
I allude to Lord Dufferin, himself an Irishman. (Cheers.)
What does he say ? How does he describe Ireland? I
may shoot the two birds at once by referrring to his des-
cription of the country as well as of the people. He says
that Ireland is a lovely and fertile land, caressed by a
clement atmosphere, held in the embrace of the sea, with
a coast filled with the noblest harbours of the world and

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 203

“ inhabited by a race valiant, generous, and tender, gifted*
beyond measure with the power of physical endurance, and
graced with the liveliest; intelligence.” It is not neces-
sary for me to say any more about a people of that
character. I think it is a slander on humanity and
human nature to say that any people, and more especially
the Irish, are not open to the feelings of gratitude, to
the feelings of kindness. If there is anything for which
the Irish are distinguished — I say this not merely from
my study of your country, but from my experience of
some Irish people — that if ever I have found a warm-
hearted people in the world, I have found the Irish.
(Loud cheers.)

A PEOPLE “ACCESSIBLE TO JUSTICE.”

But I will bring before you the testimony of another
great man, whom, though he is at present at variance with
us on this question of a separate Parliament, we always
respect. It is a name highly respected by the natives of
India, and, I know, by the Liberals of this country. I
mean John Bright. (Hisses and cheers.) What does he
say? “ If there be a people on the face of the earth whose
hearts are accessible to justice, it is the Irish people.”'
(Cheers.) Now, I am endeavouring to take all the im-
portant points brought forward against this Home Rule..
Mr. Gladstone proposes that they should give a certain
proportion of money to the Imperial Exchequer. Their
opponents say, “ Oh, they will promise all sorts of things.”'
Now, I want this to be carefully considered. The basis of
the most powerful of human motives is self-interest. It
is to the interest of Ireland never to separate from
England.

204

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJL

NOT TRIBUTE, BUT PARTNERSHIP.

I will now show you that this, which is called a
tribute and a degradation, is nothing of the kind. Ireland
would feel it its duty to pay this. It is not tribute in any
sense of the word. Ireland is a partner in the Imperial
firm. Ireland shares both the glory and the profit of the
British rule. Its children will be employed as fully in
the administration and the conduct of the Empire as any
Englishman will be. Ireland, in giving only something
like £1 in <£15 to the Exchequer will more than amply
benefit. It is a partnership, and they are bound to supply
their capital just as much as the senior partner is bound
to supply his. They will get the full benefit of it. Tri-
bute is a thing for which you get no return in material
benefit, and to call this tribute is an abuse of words. I
have pointed out that those great bugbears, the separation,
the tribute, and the bad character of the Irish are pure
myths. The Irish are a people that are believed by many
an Englishman to be as high in intellect and in morality
as any on the face of the earth. If they are bad now, it
is your own doing. {Cheers.) You first debase them, and
then give them a bad name, and then want to hang them.
No, the time has come when you do understand the happy
inspiration which Mr. Gladstone has conceived.

HOME RULE: — THE GOLDEN RULE.

You do know now that Ireland must be treated as
you treat yourselves. You say that Irishmen must be
under the same laws as Englishmen, and must have the
rSame rights. Very good. The opponents say yes, and
therefore they must submit to the laws which the British
Parliament makes. I put to them one simple question.
"Will Englishmen for a single day submit to laws made

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 205

for them by those who are not Englishmen ? What is the
proudest chapter in British history? That of the Stuarts.
You did not tolerate the laws of your own Sovereign, be-
cause you thought they were not your laws. (Cheers.)
You waged civil war, regardless of consequences, and
fought and struggled till you established the principle that
the English will be their own sovereign, and your own
sons your own legislators and guides. You did not submit
to a ruler, though he was your own countryman. Our
opponents forget that they are not giving the same rights
to the Irish people. They are oblivious of this right, and
say Ireland must be governed by laws that we make for
her. They do not understand that what is our own,
however bad it; is, is dearer to us than what is given to us
by another, however high and good he may be. (Cheers.)
No one race of people can ever legislate satisfactorily for
another race. Then they object that the Saxon race is
far superior to the Celtic, and that the Saxon must
govern the whole, though in the next breath they admit
that the one cannot understand the other. (Laughter.)
A grand patriarch said to his people thousands of years
ago, “ Here is good, here is evil ; make your choice r
choose the good, and reject the evil.” A grand patriarch
of to-day — the Grand Old Man — (loud cheers ) — tells you,
Here is the good, here is the evil ; choose the good, re-
ject the evil.” And I do not say I hope and trust, but
I am sure, that the English nation, sooner or later, will
come to that conclusion — will choose the good, and will
reject the evil.

A WORD ABOUT INDIA.

I only want now to say one word about my own
country. (Loud cheers.) I feel that my task has, been

206

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

so much lessened by previous speakers, that I will not
trouble you much upon this point. I appeal to you for
the sake of the two hundred and fifty millions of India.
I have a right to do so, because I know that India regards
me — at least, so it is said — as a fair representative. I
want to appeal to you in their name that, whether you
send me or another to Parliament, you at once make up
your minds that India ought to have some representation
— ( cheers ) — in your British Parliament. I cannot place
my case better than in the words of an illustrious English
lady, whose name for patriotism, philanthropy, and self-
sacrifice is the highest amongst your race — Miss Florence
Nightingale. ( Loud cheers.) She writes to me in these
words : —

MISS FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE TO THE ELECTORS
OF HOLBORN.

“ London, June 23, 1886. — My dear Sir, — My warmest good
wishes are yours in the approaching election forHolborn, and this
not only for your sake, but yet more for that of India and of
England, so important is it that the millions of India should in the
British Parliament here be represented by one who, like yourself,
has devoted his life to them in such a high fashion — to the difficult
and delicate task of unravelling and explaining what stands at the
bottom of India’s poverty, what are India’s rights, and what is the
right for India : rights so compatible with, indeed so dependent on
loyalty to the British Crown ; rights which we are all seeking after
for those great multitudes, developing, not every day like foliage
in May, but slowly and surely. The last five or eight years have
made a difference in India’s cultivated classes which has astonish-
ed statesmen — in education, the seeds of which were so sedulously
sown by the British Government — in power, of returning to the
management of their own local affairs, which they had from time
immemorial ; that is, in the powers and responsibilities of local
self-government, their right use of which would be equally advan-
tageous to the Government of India and to India (notwithstand-
ing some blunders) ; and a noble because careful beginning has
been made in giving them this power. Therefore do I hail you and
yearn after your return to this Parliament, to continue the work
you have so well begun in enlightening England and India on
Indian affairs. I wish I could attend your first public meeting, to

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 207

which you kindly invite me to-morrow ; but alas for me, who for
so many years have been unable from illness to do anything out of
my rooms. — Your most ardent well wisher, Florence Nightingale.”
( Loud cheers .)

India’s appeal.

Well, gentlemen, in the words of this illustrious lady,
I appeal not only to you, the constituents of Holborn, but
to the whole English nation, on the behalf of 250 millions
of your fellow subjects — a sixth part of the human race,
and the largest portion of the British Empire, before
whom you are but as a drop in the ocean ; we appeal to
you to do us justice, and to allow us a representative
in your British Parliament. ( Loud and prolonged cheer s,
the audience rising in great enthusiasm.)

VI.

THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.

— • 8 >~»

The following speech was delivered before a meeting of
the East India Association , at which Mr. A. K. Connell
read a paper on “ The Indian Civil Service f July , 1887.
Mr. John Bright in the Chair.

Mr. Dadabliai Naoroji said : Mr. Chairman, Ladies
and Gentlemen, — My first impulse was not to send up my
card at all, but after attending this meeting and hearing
the paper that has been put before us, it is necessary that
I should not put myself in a false position, and as I dis-
agree with a portion of this paper, it became necessary
that I should make that disagreement known. The third
part of the paper is the part that is objectionable ; and it
seems to me it is a lame and impotent conclusion of an
able and well-considered beginning. For me to undertake
to reply to all the many fallacies that that third part
contains, will be utterly out of the question in the ten
minutes allotted to me ; but I have one consolation in that
respect — that my views are generally known, that they are
embodied to a great extent in the journals of this Associa-
tion ; that I alse direct the attention of Mr. Connell and
others to two papers that I submitted to the Public Service
Commission, and that I hope there are two other papers
tha-t are likely to appear in the Contemporary Review in
the months of August and September. These have antici-
pated, and will, 1 trust, directly and indirectly answer
most of the fallacies of Mr. Connell’s paper. I would,
therefore, not attempt the impossible task of replying to

THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.

209

the whole of this paper, but I will make a few remarks
of a different character altogether bearing upon the vital
question before us. This question of the services is not
simply a question of the aspirations of a few educated men ;
it is the question of life and death to the whole of British
India. It is our good fortune that we have in the chair
to-day the gentleman who put a very pertinent question,
going to the root of the whole evil, as far back as a third
of a century ago. Mr. Bright put the question in the
year 1853. He said : “ I must say that it is my belief
that if a country be found possessing a most fertile soil and
capable of bearing every variety of production, and that
notwithstanding the people are in a state of extreme desti-
tution and suffering, the chances are that there is some
fundamental error in the Government of that country.”
Gentlemen, as long as you do not give a full and fair
answer to that queetion of the great statesman — that
statement made a third of a century ago — you will never
be able to grasp this great and important question of the
services. It is not, as I have already said, a question of
the mere aspiration of a few educated men. Talking about
this destitution, it is a circumstance which has been dwelt
upon in the beginning of the century by 1 Sir John Shaw.
Lord Lawrence in his time said that the mass of the peo-
ple were living on scanty subsistence. To the latest day
the last Finance Minister, Sir Evelyn Baring, testified to
the extreme poverty of the people, and so does the present
Finance Minister. The fact is that after you have hundred
years of the most highly-paid and the most highly-praised
administration in that country, it is the poorest country
in the world. How can you account for that ? Grasp
that question fully, and then only will you be able to see
14

210

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

what vast interest this question of the services means.
Then I come to the pledges that have been given. Here
are open honorable pledges. The statesmen of 1833 laid
down distinctly, in the face of the important consideration
— whether India should be allowed ever to be lost to Bri-
tain. They weighed every circumstance, and they came
to the deliberate conclusion which was embodied in the
Act that they passed. But then you had not the expe-
rience of that fear of the risk of losing India. Twenty-
five years afterwards you actually experienced that very
risk ; you actually had a mutiny against you, and what
was your conduct then ? Even after that experience, you
rose above yourself; you kept up your justice and genero-
sity and magnanimity, and in the name of the Queen, and
by the mouth of the Queen, you issued a Proclamation,
which if you “ conscientiously ” fulfil will be your highest
glory, and your truest fame and reward. Gentlemen, take
the bull by the horns. Do not try to shrink this ques-
tion. If you are afraid of losing India, and if you are
to be actuated by the inglorious fear of that risk, let that
be stated at once. Tell us at once, “We will keep you
under our heels, we will not allow you to rise or to prosper
at any time.” Then we shall know our fate. But with
your English manliness — and if there is anything more
characteristic of you than anything else, it is your manli-
ness — speak out honestly and rot hypocritically, what you
intend to do. Do you really mean to fulfil the pledges
given before the world, and in the name of God, with the
sanction of God and asking God to aid you ? he execu-
tion of that pledge — do you mean to stick to that pledge
or to get out of it? Whatever it be, like h<: : st English-
men, speak out openly and plainly. “ We will do this” or

THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.

211

<( We will not do this.” But do not expose yourselves to
the charges — which I am not making, but your own mem-
bers of the India Council have made — of “ keeping the
promise to the ear, and breaking to the hope.” Looking
at the time I cannot now enter into all the different and
i mportant considerations that this paper raises, but I simp-
ly ask you again this question, whether like honest
Englishmen such as you are, in a manly way, you say the
thing and do it. If you mean to fulfil these pledges honest-
ly, do so; if you do not mean to fulfil them honestly, say
so, and at least preserve your character for honesty and
manliness. Mr. Connell had, in the first part of his paper,
laid down as emphatically as he could the principles upon
which the English nation is bound to act, and in the third
part of the paper he has done his utmost to discredit the
whole thing, and to say how not to dc it. But he for-
gets one thing : that the pledge you have given, you have
never given a fair trial to : if you only give a fair trial to
that pledge, you will find that it will not only redound to
your glory for ever, but also result in great benefits to
yourself ; but if India is to be for a long time under your
rule with blessing, and not with a curse, it is the fulfilment
of that pledge which will secure that result. Ah ! gentle-
men, no eternal or permanent results can ever follow from
dodging and palavering. Eternal results can follow only
from eternal principles. Your rule of India is based not
on sixty thousand bayonets or a hundred thousand bayon-
ets. But it is based upon the confidence, the intense
faith like the one that I hold, in the justice, the conscience
and the honor of the British nation. As long as I have
that faith in me, I shall continue to urge and plead before
statesmen like Mr. Bright, and before the English nation.

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

Fulfil your pledge honestly before God, because it is upon
those eternal principles only that you can expect to conti-
nue your rule with benefit to yourself and benefit to us.
The reply to your (President’s) question, Sir, about the
fundamental error is then this. A foreign rule can never
be but a curse to any nation on the face of the earth, ex-
cept so far as it approaches a native rule, be the foreigners
angels themselves. If this principle is not fairly borne
in mind, and if honest efforts are not made to fulfil your
pledges, it is utterly useless for us to plead, or to expect any
good result, or to expect that India will ever rise in mate-
rial and moral prosperity. I do not mean to say a word
against the general personnel of these services, as they are
at the present time-they are doing what they can in the
false groove in which they are placed ; to them there is
every honor due for the ability and integrity with which
most of them have carried on their work ; but what I say
is this. This system must be changed. The administration
must become native under the supreme control of the English
nation. Then you have one element in India, which is pecu-
liarly favorable to the permanence of your rule, if the
people are satisfied that you give them the justice that
you promise. It is upon the rock of justice alone that
your rule stands. If they are satisfied, the result will be
this. It is a case peculiar to India : there are Maho-
medans and Hindus ; if both are satisfied, both will take
care that your supremacy must remain over them ; but if
they are both dissatisfied, and there is any paltering with
justice and sincerity they will join together against you.
Under these circumstances you have everything in your
favor ; in fact, the divine law is that if you only follow
the divine law, then only can you produce divine results.
Do good, no matter what the result is. If you trifle
with those eternal and divine laws, the result must be
disastrous. I must stop as the time is up.

VII.

GREAT RECEPTION MEETING IN BOMBAY.

[ The following speech was delivered before the public
meeting of the inhabitants of Bombay called by the Bombay
Presidency Association at the Framjee Cowasjee Institute
on Sunday , the 13th February 1887 , to pass a vote of
thanks to the Hon. Dadabhai Naoroji and Mr. Lai Mohun
Ghose for their exertions on behalf of India at the Parlia-
mentary elections of 1886 in England. Mr. ( now Sir)
Dinshaw M . Petit in the Chair. ]

The Hon’ble Dadabhai Naoroji (amidst long and im-
mense cheering), said : — Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gen-
tlemen, — I feel extremely obliged by the very kind recep-
tion you have given to my friend Mr. Ghose and myself }
and for the confidence you have reposed in us. Such
hearty acknowledgments of my humble services and of
my friend’s arduous exertion cannot but encourage us
largely in our future work. {Cheers.) As natives of India
we are bound to do whatever lies within our power and
opportunities. In undertaking the work of trying to get
a seat in Parliament, the first question that naturally
arose was whether it would be of any good to India and
whether an Indian member would be listened to. The
first thing, therefore, I did on arriving in England was to
consult many English friends, several of whom are eminent
statesmen of the day and members of Parliament. I was
almost universally advised that I should not hesitate to
try to carry out my intentions, that it was extremely
desirable that there should be at least one or two Indians

214

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

in Parliament to enable members to learn the native view
of questions from natives themselves. (Cheers.) That if I
could by any possibility work way into the House, I
would certainly be doing a great service not only to India
but to a large extent to England also. {Cheers.) Several
fundamental important questions of policy can be fought
out and decided in Parliament alone as they depend upon
Acts of Parliament, and Parliament is the ultimate ap-
peal in every important question in which Government
and the native public may differ. To get direct represen-
tation from India was not at present possible. An in-
direct representation through the liberality and aid of
some British constituency was the only door open to us.
I undertook to contest Hoi born under many disadvan-
tages. I was just occupied in making acquaintances and
feeling my way. I had no time to find out and make the
acquaintance of any constituency ; I was quite unknown
to the political world, when of a sudden the resolution
came on upon me. The Liberal leaders very properly
advised me that I should not lose this opportunity of con-
testing some seat, no matter however a forlorn hope it
might be, as the best means of making myself known to
the English constituencies, and of securing a better chance
and choice for the next opportunity. That I could not
expect to get in at a rush, which even an Englishman was
rarely able to do except under particularly favourable
circumstances. I took the advice and selected Holborn
out of three offers I have received. I thus not only got
experience of an English contest, but it also satisfied me
as to what prospects an Indian had of receiving fair and
even generous treatment at the hands of English electors.
The elections clearly showed me that a suitable Indian

GREAT RECEPTION MEETING IN BOMBAY.

215

candidate has as good a chance as any Englishman, or even
some advantage over an Englishman, for there is a general
and genuine desire among English electors to give to
India any help in their power. {Cheers.) I had only nine
days of work from my first meeting at the Holborn Town
Hall, and sometimes L had to attend two or three meet-
ings on the same day. The meetings were as enthusiastic
and cordial in reception as one’s heart could desire. Now ?
the incident I refer to is this. Of canvassing I was able
to do but very little. Some liberal electors, who were
opposed to Irish Home Rule, intended to vote for the conser-
vative candidate, but to evince their sympathy
with India, they promised me to abstain from voting
altogether. Unknown as 1 was to the Holborn elec-
tors, the exceedingly enthusiastic and generous
treatment they gave me, and that nearly two thousand
of them recorded their votes in my favour, must be quite
enough to satisfy any that the English public desire to
help us to have our own voice in the House of Commons.
(Cheers.) Letters and personal congratulations I received
from many for what they called my “ plucky contest.”
Lord Ripon — (cheers ) — wrote to me not to be discouraged,
as my want of success was shared by so many other libe-
rals as to deprive it of personal character ; that it was the
circumstances of the moment, as it turned out, that work-
ed specially against me, and he trusted I would be success-
ful on a future occasion. Now, it was quite true that owing
to the deep split among the Liberals in the Home Rule ques-
tion, it was estimated by some that I had lost nearly a
thousand votes by the abstention of Liberal voters. In short,
with my whole experience at Holborn, of both the manner
and events of the contest, I am more than ever confirmed

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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

in my opinion that India may fairly expect from the Eng-
lish public just and generous treatment. (Cheers.) I
have no doubt that my friend Mr. Ghose — ( cheers ) — with
his larger electioneering experience of two arduous con-
tests, will be able to tel: you of similar conviction and future
hopefulness. There is one great advantage achieved by their
contests, which in itself is an ample return for all the trouble
— I mean the increasing and earnest interest that has been
aroused in the English public about Indian matters. From
everywhere you begin to receive expressions of desire to
know the truth about India, and invitations come to you
to address on Indian subjects. The moral effect of these
contests is important and invaluable. {Hear, hear.) A
letter I received from an English friend on the eve of my
departure for India this time fairly represents the general
English feeling I have met with. Nothing would give him,
he says, greater satisfaction than to see me sitting in the
House of Commons — ( cheers ) — where I would arouse in
the English representatives a keen sense of England’s res-
ponsibilities, and show them how to fulfil them. (Cheers.)
For the sake of England and of India alike, he earnestly
hoped that I might be a pioneer of this sacred work. My
presence in the House of Commons was to his mind more
important than that of any Englishman whom he knew
— (cheers ) — though that seemed saying a good deal. With
these few remarks I once more return to you my most
hearty thanks for the reception you have given us, and it
would be an important credential as well as an encourage-
ment in our further efforts. ( Loud cheers.)

VIII.

INDIAN FAMINE BELIEF FUND MEETING.

[ Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji addressed a meeting held on
Sunday , July ls£, 1900, at the United Methodist Free
Church , Marhhouse Road , Walthamstow , in aid of the
Indian Famine Relief Fund. Mr. Peter Troughton occu-
pied the Chair.

The Chairman, in opening the proceedings , said the
Indian famine teas a subject of very great interest to all
Englishmen , and he was sure they would all gladly wel-
come some authentic information on the subject. He would
therefore ash Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji to start his speech
right away. ( Applause .)]

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was received with
cheers, said : —

Mr. Chairman, I feel exceedingly pleased at having
to address so large a meeting of English ladies and
gentlemen. I assure you it is a great consolation to me
that English people are willing to hear what Indians
have to say. I will make bold to speak fully and
heartily, in order that you may know the truth. I
will take as a text the following true words ; “ As

India must be bled.” These words were delivered by a
Secretary of State for India, Lord Salisbury himself. I
don’t mention them as any complaint against Lord
Salisbury. On the contrary, I give him credit for
saying the truth. I want to impress upon you what
these important words mean. Let us clearly understand
what is meant by bleeding a nation. It is perfectly true

218

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

that when government is carried on people must pay
taxes. But there is a great difference between taxing a
people and bleeding a people. You in England pay
something like fifty shillings, or more now, of taxes per
head per annum. We in India pay only three to four
shillings per head per annum. From this you may
conclude that we must be the most lightly-taxed people
in the world. That is not the case, however ; our burden
is nearly twice as heavy as yours. The taxes you pay in
this country go from the hands of the taxpayers into the
hands of the Government, from which they flow back
into the country again in various shapes, fertilising
trade and returning to the people themselves. There is
no diminution of your wealth ; your taxes simply change
hands. Whatever you give out you must get back.
Any deficit means so much loss of strength. Supposing
you pay a hundred million pounds every year, and the
Government uses that money in such a way that part
only returns to you, the other part going out of the
country. In that case you are being bled, part of your
life is going away. Suppose out of the hundred million
pounds only eighty million pounds return to you in the
shape of salaries, commerce, or manufactures. You will
have lost twenty million pounds. Next year you will
be so much the weaker ; and so on each year. This is
the difference between taxing people and bleeding people.
Suppose a body of Frenchmen were your rulers, and
that out of the hundred million pounds of taxes they
took ten to twenty million pounds each year ; you would
then be said to be bleeding. The nation would then be
losing a portion of its life. How is India bled ? I sup-
posed your own case with Frenchmen as your rulers.

INDIAN FAMINE RELIEF FUND.

219

We Indians are governed by you. You manage our ex-
penditure and our taxes in such a way that while we
pay a hundred million pounds of taxation this hundred
million never returns to us intact. Only about eighty
million returns to us. There is a continual bleeding of
about twenty millions annually from the revenues. Ever
since you obtained territorial jurisdiction and power in
India, in the middle of the last century, Englishmen
and other Europeans that went to India have treated
that country in the most oppressive way. I will quote
a few words of the Court of Directors at the time to
show this. “ The vast fortunes acquired in the inland
trade have been obtained by the most oppressive conduct
that ever was known in any country or age.” The most
oppressive means were adopted in order to bring away
from the country enormous quantities of wealth. How
was the Indian Empire obtained by you ? It has been
generally said that you have won it by the sword, and
that you will keep it by the sword. The people who say
this do not know what they are talking about. They
also forget that you may lose “ it by force.” You have
not won the Indian Empire by the sword. During
these hundred and fifty years you have carried on wars
by which this great Empire has been built up ; it has
cost hundreds of millions of money. Have you paid a
single farthing of it ? You have made the Indians pay
every farthing. You have formed this great British Em-
pire at our expense, and you will hear what reward we
have received from you. The European army in India
at any time was comparatively insignificant. In the
time of the Indian Mutiny you had only forty thousand
troops there. It was the two hundred thousand Indian

220

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

troops that shed their blood and fought your battles and
that gave you this magnificent Empire. It is at India’s
cost and blood that this Empire has been formed and
maintained up to the present day. It is in consequence
of the tremendous cost of these wars and because of the
millions on millions you draw from us year by year that
India is so completely exhausted and bled. It is no
wonder that the time has come when India is bleeding
to death. You have brought India to this condition by
the constant drain upon the wealth of that country. I
ask any one of you whether it is possible for any nation
on the face of the earth to live under these conditions.
Take your own nation. If you were subjected to such a
process of exhaustion for years, you wouli come down
yourselves to the condition in which India now finds
herself. How then is this drain made ? You impose
upon us an immense European military and civil service,
you draw from us a heavy taxation. But in the dis-
bursement and the disposal of that taxation we have not
the slightest voice. I ask anyone here to stand up and
say that he would be satisfied if, having to pay a heavy
taxation, be had no voice in the government of the
country. We have not the slightest voice. The Indian
Government are the masters of all our resources, and
they may do what they like with them. We have simply
to submit and be bled. I hope I have made it quite
clear to you, that the words of Lord Salisbury which I
have quoted are most significant ; that the words are
true and most appropriate when applied to India. It is
the principle on which the system of British govern-
ment has been carried on during these 150 years. What
has been the consequence ? I shall again quote from

INDIAN FAMINE RELIEF FUND.

221

Lord Salisbury. He says : “ That as India must be bled
the lancet should be directed to the parts where the
blood is congested, or at least sufficient, not to those
parts already feeble from the want of it.” Lord
Salisbury declared that the agricultural population, the
largest portion of the population of India, was feeble
from the want of blood. This was said twenty-five
years ago ; and that blood has been more and more

drawn upon during the past quarter of a century. The
result is that they have been bled to death ; and why ? A
large proportion of our resources and wealth is clean
carried away never to return to us. That is the process
of bleeding. Lord Salisbury himself says : “ So much
of the revenue is exported without a direct equivalent.”
I ask any one of you whether there is any great mystery
in these dire famines and plagues ? No other country,
exhausted as India has been, exhausted by an evil system
of government, would have stood it half the time. It is
extraordinary that the loyalty of the Indians who are
bled by you is still so great. The reason of it is that
among the Hindoos it is one of their most cherished and
religious duties that they should give obedience and
loyalty to the powers that govern them. And they have
been loyal to that sentiment, and you have derived the
benefit of it. It is a true and genuine loyalty. But do
not expect that that loyalty cannot fail, that it will
continue in the same condition in which it is at the
present time. It is for the British to rouse themselves
and to open their minds, and to think whether they
are doing their duty in India. The theory maintained
by statesmen is that India is governed for the benefit
of India. They say that they do not derive any benefit

222

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

from the taxation. But this is erroneous. The reality
is that India, up to the present day, has been governed
so as to bring about the impoverishment of the people.
I ask you whether this is to continue. Is it necessary
that, for your benefit, we must be destroyed ? Is it a
natural consequence, is it a necessary consequence ? Not
at all. If it were British rule and noc un-British rule
which governed us England would be benefited ten times
more than it is. (Cheers.) You could benefit yourselves a
great deal more than you are doing if your Executive
Government did not persist in their evil system, by
which you derive some benefit, but by which we are
destroyed. I say let the British public thoroughly under-
stand this question, that by destroying us you will ulti-
mately destroy yourselves. Mr. Bright knew this, and this
is an extract from one of his speeches. He said, or to the
effect : By all means seek your own benefit and your
own good in connexion with India ; but you cannot
derive any good except by doing good to India. If you
do good to India you will do good to yourselves. He
said there were two ways of doing good to yourselves,
either by plunder or by trade. And he said he would
prefer trade. Now, I will explain how it would benefit
you. At the present time you are exporting to the
whole world something like three hundred millions
worth of your produce a year. Here is a country under
your control with a population of three hundred millions
of human souls, not savages of Africa. Here is India,
with a perfectly free trade entire!} under your control,
and what do you send out to her ? Only eighteen pence
per year per head. If you could bend goods to the ex-
tent of £\ per head per annum India would be a market

INDIAN FAMINE RELIEF FUND.

223

for your whole commerce. If such were the case you
would draw immense wealth from India besides benefit-
ing the people. I say that if the British public do not
rouse themselves the blood of every man that dies there
will lie on their head. You may prosper for a time, but
a time must come when you must suffer the retribution
that comes from this evil system of government. What I
quoted to you from Lord Salisbury explains the real
condition of India. It is not the first time that English
statesmen have declared this as absolutely as Lord Salis-
bury has done. During the whole century Englishmen
and statesmen of conscience and thought have time after
time declared the same thing, that India is being exhaust-
ed and drained, and that India must ultimately die.
Our misery is owing to this exhaustion. You are draw-
ing year by year thirty millions of our wealth from us
in various ways. The Government of India’s resources
simply mean that the Government is despotic and that it
can put any tax it chooses on the people. Is it too much
to ask that when we are reduced by famine and plague
you should pay for these dire calamities ? You are
bound in justice and in common duty to humanity to
pay the cost of these dire calamities with which we are
afflicted. I will conclude with Lord Salisbury’s other
true words : “ Injustice will bring down the mightiest to
ruin.” ( Great applause.')

THE CONDITION OF INDIA.

[ Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji delivered the following ad-
dress on the “ Condition of India ” at Toynbee Hall ,
Commercial Street , Whitechapel , R., on Thursday night ,
January 31, 1901. Mr. R. B. S. Tanner was in the Chair . J

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was cordially received,
said : — Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I feel very much
obliged for having been invited to address this audience.
Our subject is “ India,” but so large a subject cannot
be dealt with in more than a passing manner in the time
at our disposal. I will, however, try to put before you,
in as brief a form as possible, some idea of the relations
which exist between England and India. I think my
best plan would be to try and strike a sort of balance
between the good and evil influences of England in India,
and let you understand really what your duty is towards
India. One thing has been over and over again admit-
ted — and was last admitted by Lord Curzon when he
went out — that India is the pivot of the British Em-
pire. If India is lost to the British Empire the sun
of the British Empire will be set. The question is
whether the responsibility devolving upon you on ac-
count of this is realised by you. Beginningat the bene-
fits which India has received, we are grateful for a good
many things. In earlier days there was infanticide, but
English character, English civilisation and English
humanity caused an end to be put to this, and also to
the practice of burning widows with their dead husbands.
By means of this you have earned the blessing of many

THE CONDITION OF INDIA.

225

thousands of those who have escaped death. Then there
were gangs of people whose whole business it was to
rob other people ; you put down those gangs and are,
therefore, entitled to our gratitude. If there is one
thing more than another for which Indians are grateful
it is for the education you gave them, which enabled
them to understand their position. Then naturally
follow your other institutions — namely, free speech and
a free Press. You have heard of the Indian National
Congress ; at this Congress Indians from one end of
India to the other meet together to discuss their political
condition, to communicate with each other, and become,
as it were, a united nation. This National Congress is
naturally the outcome of the education and free speech
which British rulers have given us ; the result is that
you have created a factor by means of this education
which has, up to this time, strengthened your power
immensely in India. Before you gave them education
Indians never understood what sort of people you really
were ; they knew you were foreigners, and the treat-
ment that they had received at your hands led them to
hate you, and if they had remained of the same mind
you would not have remained in India. This factor of
education having come into play Indians aspired to
become British citizens, and, in order to do so, thev
became your loyal and staunch supporters. The Con-
gress has for its object to make you understand your
deficiencies in government, the redress of which would
make India a blessing to you, and make England a
blessing to us, which it is not, unfortunately, at present,
I now come to what you consider the highest claim you
have upon our gratitude, and that is, you have given us
15

226

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

security of life and property. But your government in
India instead of securing our life and property is ac-
tually producing a result the exact reverse. And this is
what you have to understand clearly. The difficulty of
Indians in addressing you is this, that we have to make
you unlearn a great deal of nonsense which has been
put into your heads by the misleading statements of the
Anglo-Indian press. The way you secure life and pro-
perty is by protecting it from open violence by anybody
else, taking care that you yourselves should takeaway
that property. (Laughter.) The security of life, were it
not a tragic subject, would be a very funny one. Look
at the millions that are suffering day by day, year after
year, even in years of good harvest. Seven-eighths or
nine-tenths of the people do not know what it is to have
a full meal in a day. (Hear, hear.) And it is only when
famine comes that your eyes are opened, and you begin
to sympathise with us, and wonder how these famines
come about. It is the Englishmen that go out to India
that are in a sense the cause of these miseries. They
go to India to benefit themselves. They are not the
proper people to give the reasons for our misery. The
greatest blessing that we thought had been bestowed
upon us by Britain was contained in the Act of 1833
to which we cling even in the face of every violation of
that blessing. So long as we have the hope that that
blessing will become a reality some day we shall be
most desirous of keeping up the connexion with Eng-
and. That greatest blessing is the best indication of
your higher civilisation of to-day. The English have
been in advance in the civilisation of humanity. The
policy distinctly laid down in 1833 was that the Indians

THE CONDITION OF INDIA.

227

were to be treated alike with the English, without dis-
tinction of race or creed. (Hear, hear.) You may well
be proud of that Act, but it was never carried out.
Then the Mutiny took place, and you were the cause
of it. After the Mutiny was put down you again em-
phatically laid down that the Indian people were to be
treated exactly like the British people, and there was
to be no difference whatever in the employment of
Indians and of Englishmen in the service of the Crown.
These two documents have been confirmed twice since
once on the occasion of the Queen assuming the title of
Empress, and again on the occasion of the Jubilee.
These are the documents — our charter — the hope and
anchor upon which we depend and for which you can
claim the greatest credit. The proclamation has been
made before the world, praying God to bless it, and
praying that our servants, the Executive to whom you
trust the government, should carry out the wishes of
the Sovereign, that is to say, of the people. As far as
the policy laid down by the British people was concerned
it is as good as we can ever desire. This promise,
pledged by you in the most solemn manner possible
has been a dead letter ever since. The result is the
destruction of our own interests, and it will be the sui-
cide of yours. The violation of those promises has pro-
duced these results to us : First of all, the “ bleeding ”

which is carried on means impoverishment to us the

poorest people on the face of the earth — with all the
dire, calamitous consequences of famines, pestilences
and destruction. It is but the result of what you
claim as the best thing that you have conferred upon
us — security of life and property — starvation, as I have

228

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

told ^ou, from one year’s end to another year’s end of
seven-eighths of the population of the country, and
something worse, in addition to the “ bleeding ” that is
carried on by the officials of a system of government.
To you, to England, the violation of these great pledges
carries with it a certain amount of pecuniary benefit,
and that is the only thing the Executive ever think of*
But you must remember that the first consequence of
such government is dishonour to your name. You in-
flict injustice upon us in a manner most dishonourable
and discreditable to yourselves ; by this mode of govern-
ment you are losing a great material benefit which you
would otherwise obtain. I will try to explain to you
these points in as brief a manner as possible ; but espe-
cially I would beg leave to draw attention to the great
loss to the mass of the people of this country, which
would otherwise have accrued to them. The best way
I can put this before you is by giving you a comparison
between two parts of the British Empire. Australia is
at present before all of us. The Australian Common-
wealth was formed on the first day of the first year of
this century. The Australians have been increasing in
prosperity by leaps and bounds. At the same time
India, under this same rule, under the administration
of men who are described and praised as the highest,,
the most cultivated, and the most capable administrators
of the present time — and also the most highly paid —
is suffering from the direst famines and is the poorest
country in the world. Let us consider Australia first.
While in 1891 the population of Australia was four
millions, the population of British India was two hund-
red and twenty-one millions, and of all India two-

THE CONDITION OF INDIA.

229

hundred and eighty-seven millions. Now these four
millions of Australians are paying a revenue for the
government of their country amounting to nearly <£8
per head per annum. They can give this and are pros-
perous, and will go on increasing in prosperity, with a
great future before them. What is India capable of
doing ? India can give at present, under great pres-
sure, scarcely eight shillings per head per annum. You
know that Australia has “ protection ” against you,
and notwithstanding the “ door ” being shut against
you, you are able to send to Australia British and Irish
products, the result of your labour, to the extent of
<£25,500,000 ; that is to say, something like seven
pounds’ worth per head per annum. You do not send
to India more than £30,000,000 altogether. That is
to say, while you are sending something like seven
pounds per head per annum to Australia, you do not
-send half-a-crown’s worth of your British and Irish
produce per head per annum to India. Ask yourselves
this question. What is the result ? Why should you
not derive good substantial profits from a commercial
connexion with India ? The reason is simple. The people
are so impoverished that the) 7 cannot buy your goods.
Had your Government been such as to allow India to
become prosperous, and to be able to buy your goods,
let alone at the rate of seven, six, or five pounds per
head — if India was allowed to enjoy its own resources
and to buy from you one or two pounds’ worth of your
produce, what do you think you would send to India ?
Why, if you sent one pound’s worth of produce per
head to India, you would send as much there as you
now send to the whole world. You have to deal with a.

230

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

people who belong as it were to the same race, who
possess the same intelligence and same civilisation, and
who can enjoy your good things as much as the
Australians or anybody else. And if you could send
one pound’s worth to them per head you need not go
and massacre savages in order to get new markets
(Laughter.) The mass of the people here do not under-
stand what a great benefit there is for them in their
connexion with India, if they would only do their duty,
and compel their servants, the Executive, to fulfil the
solemn pledges that the British nation has given to
India. What I say, therefore, to you is that one of the
consequences of the present system of government is an
immense loss to yourselves. As it is at present, you are
gaining a certain amount of benefit. You are “ bletding”
the people, and drawing from their country something
like thirty or forty millions a year. Ask yourselves,
would you submit to such a state of things in this
country for a single week ? And yet you allow a system
of government which has produced this disastrous result
to continue. You cannot obtain a farthing from Aus-
tralia unless they choose to give it to you. In the last
century you pressed the people of Bengal to such an
extent that Macaulay said that the English were demons
as compared with the Indians as men, that the English
were wolves as compared with the Indians as sheep.
Hundreds of millions of India’s wealth have been spent
to form your British Indian Empire. Not only that
but you have taken away from India all these years
millions of its wealth. The result is obvious. You have
become one of the richest countries in the world, and
you have to thank India for it. And we have become

THE CONDITION OF INDIA.

231

the poorest country in the world. We are obliged to pay
each year a vast amount of wealth which you need for
the salaries of, and the giving of benefits to, your mili-
tary and civil servants. Not once, not twice, not ten
times, and the affliction is over — but always. What was
something like three millions at the beginning of the
century has increased now to a tax of thirt}? - or forty
millions. You would prosper by trading with us if you
would only leave us alone instead of plundering us. Your
plundering will be disastrous. If you would allow us to
prosper so that we might be able to purchase one or two
pounds’ worth of your produce per head, there would be
no idle working classes in this country. It is a matter
of the utmost importance for the working classes of
England. If the connexion between England and India
is to be a blessing to both, then consider what your duty
and responsibility is as citizens of this great Empire.
{Applause.)

IX.

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE.

\The following speech ivas delivered by Mr. Dadabhai
Naoroji at the Pulpit of the Free Church , Croydon , on
Sunday the 31s£ April 1901.]

Mr. Naoroji, after expressing his gratitude for
being invited to speak, and alluding to the sanctity of
the place, said : — You have lately heard the result of
the Census in India, and what an awful result it is.
When you are told that something like 30 millions of
people that ought to have been in India are not there,
does it not disclose an awful state of things, sufficiently
alarming to make one think and ponder over it ? Our
close connexion, the many ties that bind us, must make
you ask the question : Why is it that after 150 years
of British rule, carried on by an administration whose
efficiency has been lauded up to the skies, but whose
expensiveness has been grinding down the people to the
dust, the result of that British rule should be such as
we see at the beginning of the twentieth century? The
cause is not far to seek. We believed that under a
nation which was renowned for its justice, honour and
philanthropy, we would be better off than was possible
under an Asiatic despotism. But our hopes had been
rudely dispelled. Unfortunately, from the very earliest
times, the action of Britain in India had been based
upon greed. I would not dwell longer on this part of
the subject at present, as it would not redound to the

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE.

23a

‘Credit of the British name. I would first rather say a
few words on sorne of the great benefits that the British
rule has conferred on us.

Fortunately, or unfortunately, all the benefit that we
have derived from the British connexion is from a study
of the British character. The institutions which you have
taken with you and introduced into our country would
have borne golden fruits, and we should have reaped all
the benefit as you have been doing here ; but to our mis-
fortune we have been denied every bit of this good result.
The system of government that has been adopted in that
country is the root of all our misfortune and makes com-
pletely nugatory your best efforts to further some of our
highest welfare. Among the benefits of the British rule,
if there is one thing more than another for which Indians
are grateful, it is the education you have been giving
them. It has enabled me to come here and to make known
to you what my countrymen want me to tell you. It has
laid the foundation of that structure which would one day
be known to the world as united India. It has wiped off
the first dividing line that kept Indians apart from one
another. Formerly there was not a common language, no
common vehicle of thought. The Bombay man did not
understand a Bengal man, andaPuniabee was as unintelli-
gible to a Madrasee as if he belonged to another country.
But now English was the common language. All Indians
now understand one another and freely interchange their
ideas and views as to whether their common country has
one hope, one fear, one aim, one future.

You have, I dare say, heard of the Indian National
Congress. At this Congress Indians from one end of the
country to the other meet together to discuss their politi-

234

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

cal condition, to communicate with each other and become
as it were a united nation. The Indian National Congress
is the recognised exponent of educated India. If India
had been heterogeneous before, the Congress is the proof
that it is advancing rapidly towards homogeneity. It was
the education that you are giving us that first demolished
the dividing line that separated us from one another and
is nov/ welding us together into a nation. The Indians
now stand up to tell you where your rule has been defec-
tive. It is our duty to tell you so, for the welfare of us
both depends upon a clearer and truer knowledge of that
fact.

The Civil Service of India which constitutes the
Civil portion of the administrative machinery, and to which
belong men of eminent talents and character, is anything
but a blessing to us. The very abilities of these men, as
1 will show you later on, are in the way of the progress
and prosperity of the people. It is a most melancholy
fact that after 150 years of connexion, after being govern-
ed by men of such ability and integrity, the evil system
of government that has been imposed on us should nullify
your best efforts for our well being and bring your great
possession to bankruptcy and ruin.

I may warn you that I am not saying anything about)
the Native States. I only want to speak about British
India, namely, that part of India which is under your di-
rect control. During the middle of the eighteenth century
when the English had the revenue administration under
the Native rulers of the day, from the very commence-
ment of the connexion between England and India the
system of Government adopted had been one of greed and
injustice. Those who went there went with the sole ob-

THE CAUSE AND CUKE OF FAMINE.

236

jeet of making fortunes, and so long as they accom-
plished that they cared little what occurred to the people.
The hard words with which I have characterised the early
British rule are not mine. They were the words of the
honourable Englishmen and Anglo-Indians who, for years,
had been crying in the wilderness against the system
under which India was ruled. In the last century the
Court of Directors themselves and the Governor-General
of the day wrote despatches in which they described acts
of the grossest corruption and oppression, and abominations
of every kind which were inflicted upon the poor Indian.
Such cruelty towards the governed, and such corruption
on the part of the Governor, as recorded in one of their
minutes of those days, have been unknown in any country
or at any age.

These enormities gradually led to a careful considera-
tion of the question of the policy which should guide the
British in India. And it was then also that draining
away of the wealth of India into England began, which
has not only not ceased, but has increased with increasing
years, wiping off millionsat a time, with an ever-increasing
frequency. The drought was not the real cause of tho
famine in these days, for if the people had no food in one
place and they had money, they could buy what they
wanted from elsewhere. This question of famines was for
that reason becoming one of the burning questions of India
and England, and it would grow one day into the biggest
domestic question of the time, and would be the paramount
question of the great British Empire. With India Eng-
land must stand or fall. I would give you my authority
for the statement. It was Lord Curzon — the nobleman
who was now ruling India as "Viceroy for England — Lord

'236

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

Curzon had said : “ If we lose our Colonies it does not
matter, but if we lose India the sun of the British Empire
will be for ever set.” No truer words were ever uttered.
Without India England would be a third or fourth rate
power. And this gradual deterioration of the country, now
almost bordering on destruction, was noticed very soon
after the British took India. There was a survey made
of the country for nine years, from 1807 to 1816. The
reports lay buried in the archives of the India House for
a long time till they were unearthed by Mr. Montgomery
Martin, who, in the course of a review of the reports, says,
“ It is impossible to avoid remarking two facts as peculiar-
ly striking, first, the richness of the country surveyed ;
and second, the poverty of its inhabitants.” Against this
continuous drain which has now all but deprived India of
its life-blood he raised his warning voice in the early years
of the last century. He said : “ The annual drain of

three millions on British India has amounted in 30 years
at 12 percent, (the usual Indian rate) compound interest
to the enormous sum of 723 millions. So constant and
accumulating a drain even in England would soon impover-
ish her. How severe then must be its effect on India,
where the wages of a labourer are from two pence to
three pence a day ! ”

The drain which at the beginning of the century was
three millions now amounts to over 30 millions a year.
Mahmood Ghuzni, who invaded and plundered India 18
times, as historians say, could not make his whole booty
so heavy as you take away in a single year ; and, what is
more, the wound on India inflicted by him came to an
end after the 18th stroke, while your strokes and the
bleeding from them never end. Whether we live or die,

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE.

237

30 millions’ worth of produce must be annually carried
away from this country with the regularity of the seasons.
Heavy as the fine was which Germany inflicted upon
France in the last Franco-German war, once the money
counted down France was set at liberty to recoup herself.
But in our case the bleeding never ceases. How was India
treated even in the last famine? Eighty-five millions of
people were affected by the famine directly, and many
more were indirectly affected by it. Yet they were being
called upon to find two hundred millions of rupees yearly
to pay the salaries, pensions, etc., of the European officials,,
military or civil, before they could have for their own
enjoyment a single farthing of their own produce. And'
if they only took the trouble to make the calculation it
v/ould be discovered that India had had to pay thousands
of millions for this purpose already. Was it to be wond-
ered at then that India was falling and that the famines
were becoming worse each time they recurred ? The fact
was that now-a-days the slightest touch of drought neces-
sarily caused a famine, because the resources of the country
had been so seriously exhausted. It was only when a
famine took place that any interest was excited in this
country in India. As a matter of fact there was a chron-
ic state of famine in India of which the people of this
country knew nothing. And even in years of average
prosperity and average crops scores of millions of Indians
had to live on starvation diet, and did not know wTiat it
was to have a full meal from year’s end to year’s end. It
was only when a crisis like the present one was developed
that the Government was forced to intervene, and to try
to save the lives of the dying people by taxing these very
people. The condition of India was an impoverished con-

238

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

dition of the worst possible character, and one could hard-
ly realise the poverty and misery in which scores of mil-
lions of Indians lived. But if England were placed under
a similar system of government, would its condition be any
better ? No ! Even England, wealthy as she is, could not
long stand the crushing tribute of a foreign yoke which,
because we are a conquered nation, we are forced to pay.
Suppose the French took this country, filled up all the
higher posts, both civil and military, with their own people,
brought French capital to develop our industries, carried
away with them all the pr ofit of their investments, leaving
to the natives of this country nothing more than the
wages given to mere manual labourers ; suppose that, in
addition to that, you had to pay a tribute (in deed
though not in name) of 30 millions sterling every year
to France ; why, even you, wealthy as you are, would be
soon reduced to the wretchedness of our want and woe,
to be periodically decimated by plague and famine and
disease as we are. Now, put yourselves in our place and
judge whether we are British subjects or British helots.
Our misfortune is that our Anglo-Indian rulers do not
understand our position. Even Lord Curzon, our
Viceroy, said the other day, in the course of his speech
at the Kolar goldfields, that we ought to be very grate-
ful to the British people for developing these mining
industries. But these millions of the Kolar goldfields
belong to the British capitalist, who is simply exploiting
our land and wealth, our share being that of the hewer
of wood and drawer of water.

How was the Indian Empire obtained by you ? It
has been generally said that you have won it by the
sword, and that you will keep it by the sword. You

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE.

239

have not won the Indian Empire by the sword. During
these hundred and fifty years you have carried on wars
by which this great Empire has been built up ; it has cost
hundreds of millions of money. Have you paid a single
farthing of it ? You have made the Indians pay every
farthing. You have formed this great British Empire
at our expense, and you hear what reward we have
received from you. The European army in India at any
time was comparatively insignificant. In the time of the
Indian Mutiny you had only forty thousand troops
there. It was the two hundred thousand Indian troops
that shed their blood and fought your battles and that
gave you this magnificent Empire. It is at India’s cost
and blood that this Empire has been formed and main-
tained up to the present day. It is in consequence of
the tremendous cost of these wars and because of the
millions on millions you draw from us year by year that
India is so completely exhausted and bled. It is no
wonder that the time has come when India is bleeding
to death. You have brought India to this condition by
the constant drain upon the wealth of that country. I
ask anyone of you whether it is possible for any nation
on the face of the earth to live under these conditions.

Do not believe me as gospel. Study for yourself ;
study whether what I have stated is right, and, then,
whether the result is logical. And the result, as re-
vealed by the last census, is that thirty millions of human
beings are not where they ought to have been. But in
spite of such a gloomy outlook I do not despair. I be-
lieve in the inherent notions of justice and humanity of
the British people. It is that faith which has hitherto
sustained me in my lifelong work. In the name of

240

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

justice and humanity then, I ask you why we to-day,
instead of being prosperous as you are, are the poorest
and most miserable people on the surface of the earth.
Like India, Australia is a part of the British Empire,
and, unlike it, prosperous. Why is it that one part of
the Empire should be so prosperous and the other
dwindle down and decay ? Our lot is worse even than
that of the slaves in America in old days, for the
masters had an interest in keeping them alive, if only
they had a money value. But if an Indian died, or if
a million died, there was another or there were a mil-
lion others ready to take his or their places and to be
the slaves of the British officials in their turn. Who
was responsible for all this ? You reply, “ What more
can we do ? We have declared that India shall be
governed upon righteous lines .” Yes, but your ser-
vants have not obeyed your instructions, and theirs was
the responsibility, and upon their heads was the blood
of the millions who were starving year by year.

The principle and policy that you laid down for the
government of India is contained in the Act of 1833,
which we reckon as our Magna Charta. There is one
clause in it which admits us to full equality with you
in the government of our country. Referring to this
clause, one of the men who were responsible for passing
this Act, Lord Macaulay, said : — 14 I allude to that wise,
that beneficent, that noble clause which enacts that no
Native of our Indian Empire shall by reason of his-
colour, his descent, or his religion, be incapable of hold-
ing office.” This generous promise which held out hopes
of equal employment to all, which did away with dis-
tinctions of creed and colour, has remained to this day

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE.

241

a dead letter. This promise was repeated over and over
again. Nothing could be plainer, nothing more solemn,
than the Queen’s Proclamation of 1858, when the Crown
took the country from the hands of the East India
Company, and from which Proclamation I will read to
you only three clauses : —

“ We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian
territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all
our other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of
Almighty God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil.”

“ And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our sub-
jects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially ad-
mitted to offices in our service, the duties of which they may be
qualified by their education, ability, and integrity, duly to dis-
charge.”

“ In their prosperity will be our strength, in their content-
ment our security, and in their gratitude our best reward. And
may the God of all power grant to us, and to those in authority
under us, strength to carry out these our wishes for the good
of our people.”

But all these promises and pledges have remained a
dead letter to this day. The violation of the promise
of the Act of 1833 is the first step, the keeping to this
day inoperative the pledges contained in the Procla-
mation of 1858 is the second step, towards unrighteous-
ness. Indians are kept out from their share of the ad-
ministration of their own affairs just as much to-day as
before the passing of that Act. Some of the most emi-
nent statesmen here have drawn your attention to your
wrong doing. Mr. Bright pointed out the gross and
rank injustice of not holding simultaneous examinations
both in India and England ; and in this connexion the
late Lord Derby, when Lord Stanley, once asked in the
House of Commons, how they would like to send out
their children to India for two or three years to qualify
themselves for, and pass, examination there for employ-
16

242

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

ment here. The highly expensive Military and Civil
Service which is foisted on our poor land we can neither
afford to keep nor do we need. If the country ever
rebelled, the hardly thirty thousand civilians dotted
amongst a hostile horde of about three hundred millions
would be the first to suffer. The safest policy and the
truest statesmanship was voiced in our Sovereign’s Pro-
clamation when she said “ in their contentment will be
our security.” While you here lay down in plain and
unmistakable language the charter that would raise us
and endow us with the power, privilege and freedom
of British citizens, your servants in India make that
charter a dead letter, deny to us those powers and
privileges and freedom which you have empowered them
to give to us, and we are made to feel that we are not
British subjects, but British helots. Here, under reason-
able conditions, almost every man has a vote ; there two
hundred and fifty millions of us have not one. Our
Legislative Council is a farce, worse than a farce. It was
generally believed that this Council gave to the
Indian people something like what they in England
enjoyed in the way of representative government,
and that by those means the people of India
had some voice in their own government. This
was simply a romance. The reality was that the Legisla-
tive Council was constituted in such a way as to give to
-the Government a complete and positive majority. The
three or four Indians who had seats upon it might say
what they liked, but what the Government of India de-
clared was to become law did invariably become the law
of the country. In this Council the majority, instead of
being given by the people, was managed and manipulated

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE. 243

by the Government itself. But matters were even worse
than this. The expenditure of the revenues was one of
the most important points in the political condition of
any country, but in India there was no such thing as a
Legislative Budget. The representative members had no
right to propose any resolution or go to any division upon
any item concerned in the Budget, which was passed
simply and solely according to the despotic will of a des-
potic Government. The natives of India had not the
slightest voice in the expenditure of the Indian revenues,
and the idea that they had was the first delusion on the
part of the voters of England of which they cannot be
disabused too soon.

But this most solemn farce of preaching and proclaim-
ing the most righteous Government for us, and at the
same time not restraining your servants from practising
what is exactly the contrary, is not confined to our Legis-
lative Council. The right of our own men to take part
in the government of their country as soon as by their
character and education they should give evidence of their
fitness to do so, has been repeatedly granted by the British
public and Parliament, but it has as often been defiantly
denied to us by your disobedient servants in India. One
of the means by which this boon could be given us was
by holding examinations for the Indian Civil Service simul-
taneously in India and in England. But this privilege,
though recommended for the last time by a Resolution of
the House of Commons so recently as 1893, is yet denied
to us. As early as 1860 a Commission made up of five
Members of the Council of the Secretary of State was
appointed to consider this question of simultaneous exami-
nations, and this is what they said : —

244

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

Practically the Indians are excluded. The law declares
them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to a Native leaving India
and residing in England for a time are so great, that, as a general
rule, it is almost impossible for a Native successfully to compete
at the periodical examinations held in England. Were this in-
equality removed, we should no longer be exposed to the charge
of keeping promise to the ear and breaking it to the hope.

I will give only one more opinion of a former Gover-
nor-General, the representative of his Sovereign in India.
Lord Lytton, referring to this same question of holding
simultaneous examinations, said in a confidential minute

The Act of Parliament is so undefined, and indefinite obli-
gations on the part of the Government of India towards its
Native subjects are so obviously dangerous, that no sooner was
the Act passed than the Government began to devise means for
practically evading the fulfilment of it. Under the terms of the
Act, which are studied and laid to heart by that increasing class
of educated Natives whose development the Government en-
courages without being able to satisfy the aspirations of its exist-
ing members, every such Native, if once admitted to Government
employment in posts previously reserved to the Covenanted Service,
is entitled to expect and claim appointment in the fair course of
promotion to the highest post in that Service. We all know
that these claims and expectations never can or will be fulfilled.
We have had to choose between prohibiting them and cheating
them ; and we have chosen the least straightforward course.
The application to Natives of the competitive examination
system as conducted in England, and the recent reduction in the
age at which candidates can compete, are all so many deliberate
and transparent subterfuges for stultifying the Act, and reducing
it to a dead letter. Since I am writing confidentially, I do not
hesitate to say that both the Governments of England and India
appear to me up to the present moment unable to answer satisfac-
torily the charge of having taken every means in their power of
breaking to the heart the words of promise they had uttered to
the ear.

Even on comparatively lower grounds than that of
justice and truth you ought to revise and reform the
Government of India. You are a commercial people.
What you gain by trading with us, if I go into figures,
that alone will tell you how poor we are. Australia, with
~bout six millions of people, buys about 25 millions worth

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE.

245

of articles of you per year ; while we, with a population
fifty times over again, hardly manage to buy even thirty
millions. You sell to us per head of population only
eighteen pence per year; if we were rich enough (and to
make us rich or poor entirely rests with you) to buy only
one pound per head per year, you could have sold to us
alone 300 millions worth of goods, which is your annual
trade with the whole of the world. The subject of a
Native Prince in India is richer than a British subject
and buys more of your goods. You launch into expensive
wars in South Africa and elsewhere to create a market,
while here in your own Empire you have a market ready
on hand, the largest, the most civilised, the most thickly
peopled portion of that Empire.

I now must conclude. I hope this cruel farce, the
present system of Government which is at the root of all
our evil and suffering, should for your sakes, for the sake
of justice and humanity,* be radically changed. The edu-
cated classes at home are throwing in their whole weight
on the side of the continuance of our connexion. This
connexion is a blessing to us if you would only see that it
be made, as you intended your servants to make it, a
blessing to us ; ponder over it, think what is your duty,
and perform that duty.

BRITISH DEMOCRACY AND INDIA-

[ A meeting was held at the North Lambeth Liberal
Club on Thursday evening , July 4, 1901, at which Mr .
Dadabhai Naoroji delivered the following address on
“ British Democracy and India.” The chair was taken
at nine o'clock by Colonel Fordf\

Mr. Naoroji, who was cordially received, said
Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen, I feel very great
pleasure in being permitted to address you to-night. I
propose at the outset to explain to you what the condi-
tion of India is in order that you may the better under-
stand the relations which exist between that country and
England. In the first place, I will tell you what has-
been repeatedly laid down as the policy to be pursued to-
wards India. In 1833, this policy was definitely decided
and embodied in an Act of Parliament, and it was a
policy of justice and righteousness. It provided that no
Native of India, nor any natural-born subject of His
Majesty resident therein, should by reason only of his
religion, place of birth, descent, or any of them, be dis-
abled from holding any place, office, or employment
under the Company. That is to say, that all British
subjects in India should be treated alike, and merit
alone should be the qualification for employment. The
Indian people asked nothing more than the fulfilment
of this policy, but from that day to this no such policy
has been pursued towards India. A similar declaration of
policy was made in the most solemn manner after the

BRITISH DEMOCRACY AND INDIA. 247

Mutiny. The Queen’s Proclamation addressed to India
at that time in 1858, stated as follows : —

“ We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian
territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all
our other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of
Almighty God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil. . .

. . And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our

subjects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially ad-
mitted to offices in our service, the duties of which they may be
qualified, by their education, ability, and integrity, duty to dis-
charge. ... . When, by the blessing of Providence,,

internal tranquility shall be restored, it is our earnest desire to
stimulate the peaceful industry of India, to promote works of
public utility and improvement, and to administer the government
for the benefit of all our subjects resident therein. In their
prosperity will be our strength, in their contentment our security,
and in their gratitude our best reward. And may the God of
all power grant to us and to those in authority under us strength
to carry out these our wishes for the good of our people.”

Such was the solemn pledge that was ma.de to India.
But where is the fulfilment ? The same distinction of
race and creed exists in India now as ever existed. That
pledge so solemnly made half a century ago has never
been carried out. One would have thought that their
sense of honour would have prompted the Executive to
fulfil this pledge, but such has not been the case. These
pledges and declarations of policy have been to us dead
letters. {Shame.) This then is the first thing you have
to know. What has been the result of the system of
government administered in India ? The result has been
to bring the country to a state of poverty and misery
unknown elsewhere throughout the world. This result
has been accomplished by the constant draining of India’s
wealth, for, let it be known that we have to produce
every year something like twenty million pounds by our
labour and our produce and hand this over to the
English before we can utilise a single farthing’s worth

248

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

ourselves. This draining has been going on for years and
years with ever-increasing severity. We are made to
pay all the expenditure in connexion with the India
Office, and every farthing that is required to keep up the
Indian Army, even though this latter is supported for
England’s own use in order to maintain her position in
the East and elsewhere. If you want to maintain your
position in the East, by all means do so, but do it at
your own expense. ( Hear , hear.) Why should India be
charged for it ? Even if you pay half of the cost of your
Indian Army we shall be satisfied and pay the other half
ourselves. Every farthing of the cost of the wars by
which your British-Indian Empire was formed has been
paid by us, and not only was this the case, but that Em-
pire, be it remembered, was secured to you by Indian
blood. It was Indian soldiers who shed their blood in
the formation of the Indian Empire, and the reward that
we get is that we are treated as the helots of the British
people. India is the richest country in the world in
mineral and other wealth, but owing to the constant
drain you have put upon our resources, you have
brought our people to a state of exhaustion and poverty.
At the beginning of last century the drain on Indian
produce amounted to about five million pounds per
annum ; now, it has increased to something like thirty
million pounds. Each year thirty millions sterling are
exacted from India without any return in any material
shape. {Shame.) Of this tremendous sum, however,
part goes back to India, but not, mark you, for the
benefit of the Indian people. It goes back under the
name of British capital, and is used by British capitalists
to extract from the Indian soil its wealth of minerals,

BRITISH DEMOCRACY AND INDIA.

249

which wealth goes to enrich the English alone. And
thus India is bled, and has been bled ever since the
middle of the eighteenth century. India produces food
enough for all her needs and to spare. How is it then
that so many of her people die for want of it ? The
reason is simple. So exhausted are the people, and so
heavily has the continued bleeding told upon their re-
sources that they are too poor to purchase food, and,
therefore, there is chronic famine in good years and in
bad years. Do not think that famines only occur when
you in England hear of them. You only hear of the
very severest of them. One hundred and fifty millions
of your fellow-subjects do not know what it is to have
one full meal a day. What would be the position of
England if she were left to feed on her own resources ?
She does not produce a quarter of the food required to
feed her people. It is only because England is a rich
country, thanks largely to India, and can, therefore, buy
the produce of other countries that her people are kept
from starving. Compare this with the condition of
India. She produces more than she requires, and yet
through their poverty her people are unable to buy food,
and famine is the consequence as soon as a drought
occurs. And now we come to the main point of my
lecture. On whose shoulders does the responsibility
for the present miserable condition of things in India
rest ? It rests on the shoulders of the British demo-
cracy, and I will tell you how. One elector in England
has more voice in the government of his country than
the whole of the Indian people have in the government
of their country. In the Supreme Legislative Council
in India there are only four or five Indians, and what

250

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

power can so few have in that assembly ? The Govern-
ment appoint their own Executive Council, and it takes
care that the few Indian members of the Legislative
Council have no real voice in the management of their
own country. A Tax Bill comes before the Council,
and these Indian members have not the slightest power to
vote, make a motion, or suggest an amendment. If they
do not vote for it the Government turn round and say
“ look at these Indians; do they think the Government
can be carried on without taxation? the} 7 are not fit to
govern.” The fact is the Tax Bill is brought into the
Council only to receive its formal sanction. No chance is
given for discussion or amendment. These few Indians
have to join with the other members of the Council in
taxing their countrymen, without any voice in the expen-
diture of that taxation. Their power in fact is nil. Eco-
nomically and politically India is in the worst possible
position. The British public are responsible for the burdens
under which India is groaning. The democracy is in
power in this country, and it should understand something
of our suffering, because it has suffered itself. We appeal
to you to exercise your power in making your Government
carry out its solemn pledges, If you succeeded in doing
this, the result would be that the Empire would be streng-
thened and benefit would be experienced by yourselves
as well as by India. India does npt want to sever her
connexion with England, but rather to strengthen that
connexion. I wish to point out that unless ? the British
democracy exercise their power in bringing to India a
better state of things, the whole responsibility for our
suffering will lie at their door. I therefore appeal to you
to do ^our duty and relieve us from the deplorable miseries
from which we are suffering. {Cheers.)

XI.

INDIA UNDER BRITISH RULE.

[ The folloiving speech was delivered by Mr. Dadabhai
Naoroji at the annual dinner of the London Indian Society
22 nd March 1902. ]

I can hardly express in adequate terms what I feel at
the generous manner in which my health has been pro-
posed and the cordial reception which you have given to
the toast. I feel it very deeply. (Rear, hear.) Talking of
my views towards British rule I wish to say that they have
been largely misunderstood. The pith of the whole thing
is that not only have the British people derived great
advantage from India but that the profit would have been
more than ten times as great had that rule been conducted
on the lines of policy laid down by Act of Parliament. It
is a pity as much for England herself as for us that that
policy has not been carried out, and that the matter has
been allowed to drift in the old selfish way in which the
Government was inaugurated in earlier times. When I
complain, I am told sometimes very forcibly, that the con-
nexion of Britain with India is beneficial to India herself,
I admit that it might be, and it is because of that that I
urged over and over again that the connexion should be
put upon a righteous basis- — a basis of justice and liberality.
It has been proved by the fact of the coming into existence
of a body like the Indian National Congress that the Bri-
tish connexion might be made more beneficial, and I believe
that if you fail to direct the force of that movement into
proper channels the result will be most disastrous, for it,
must ultimately come into collision with British rule. It
does not require any great depth of consideration to see

252

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

that. It has been repeatedly admitted by every statesman
of consequence that the welfare of India depends upon the
contentment of the people, and that that contentment can-
not exist unless the people feel that British rule is doing
them good, is raising their political status, and is making
them prosperous. (Hear, hear.) The fact is quite the
Reverse, and it is no use denying that the system which
ha3 existed in India is one which has been most foolish; it
has neither increased Indian prosperity nor raised her
political status. If only you could make her truly imperial
and unitedly in favour of British rule I defy a dozen
Russias to touch India or to do the slightest harm to the
Empire. (Cheers.) Mr. Caine has expressed regret that
Indian troops were not sent to South Africa. It is quite
true you cannot expect to maintain a great Empire unless
you use all its imperial resources, and among those imperial
resources there are none so important and so valuable as
the resources of India in physical strength and in military
genius and capability. There you will find that, by a simple
stamp of the foot on the ground, you can summon millions
of men ready to fight for the British Empire. We only
want to be treated as part and parcel of the Empire, and
we ask you not to maintain the relationship of master over
helot. We want you to base your policy on the lines
already laid down by Act of Parliament, proclaimed by
the late Queen, and acknowledged by the present Emperor,
as the best and truest policy towards India for the sake of
both countries. Unless that is done the future is not very
hopeful. As far as I am concerned I have ever expressed
my faith in the British conscience. As far back as 1853,
when the first political movement was started in India,
and when associations were formed in Bombay, Calcutta^

INDIA UNDER BRITISH RULE.

253

and Madras in order to petition Patliament with regard
to improvements necessary to be made in the Company’s
Charter, I expressed my sincere faith in the British
people, and said I was convinced that if they would
only get true information and make themselves ac-
quainted with the realities of India they would fulfil
their duty towards her. That faith, after all the vicissi-
tudes and disappointments which have marked the last half
century, I still hold. If we only do our best to make the
British people understand what their duty is, I venture to
prophesy that England will fhave an Empire the like of
which has never before existed, an Empre of which any
nation may well be proud. {Cheers.) After all, India is
the British Empire. The colonies are^simply so many sons
who have set up establishments of their own, but who
retain their affection for the mother country, but India is
an Empire which, if properly cultivated, will have a won-
drous success. All we want is that there shall be a true
loyal, and real attachment between the people of the two
countries. I am glad to see you young men around me.
I and the older men who have worked in this movement
are passing away. We began the work, we had to grope
in darkness, but we leave you a great legacy, we leave you
the advantages of the labours of the hundreds of us during
the last 50 years, and if you only study the problem
thoroughly, if you spread over the United Kingdom the
true merits and defects of British rule you will be doing a
grat work both for your own country and for England. I
rejoice at having had something to do in that direction. I
have stuck to my own view that it would be good for
India if British rule continues. But it must not be the
British rule which has obtained in the past ; it must be a
rule under which you treat us as brothers, and not as
helots. (Loud cheers.)

XII.

THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS-

[ The following speech was delivered by Mr. Dadahbai
Naoroji at a remarkable gathering at Westminster Palace
Hotel which assembled in November 1904, in order to give
a send off to Sir Henry Cotton on the eve of his departure * 0
India to preside at the' Twentieth Indian National Congress
at Bombay .]

The Chairman : I have now to propose the toast of
the evening our good guests Sir Henry Cotton and Sir
William Wedderburn. {Cheers.) I may first take the
opportunity of expressing on behalf of the Indians here
our deep regret at the death of Mr. Digby and of Lord
Northbrook. I need not say much about them. There
are three Viceroys who have left their names impressed
on the minds of the Indian people with characteristic
epithets. Those three are Mayo, “the good,” Northbrook,
et the just,” and Ripon, “ the righteous.” {Cheers.) Two
have passed away, but we hope the third may live long
Onough to seethe realisation of his desires for the promo-
tion of the happiness of the people of India. {Hear, hear. )
We are met together to honour our two friends-— Sir Henry
Qotton and Sir William Wedderburn. The question
haturally arises : Why is it that we Indians ask English
gentlemen to go out to India — to preside at the Indian
National Congress, and to help at it? Have we in our
yanks no men capable of doing the work ? Cannot we help
purselves? Those questions are natural, and they require
an answer. Again it may be asked, what is it that the

THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

255

Indians want, and by what means do they desire to
accomplish their end? I do not propose to describe what
India wants in my own words, or in the words of any
Indian. I propose, instead, to give you a few sentences
from the writings of an Anglo-Indian whose father and
grandfather have been in the service for over 60 years, who
himself has been over 35 years in the service, and whose
son is now in it. I refer to our guest Sir Henry Cotton.
{Cheers.) He is as patriotic as any Englishman can be. He is
proud of the service to which he belongs, and in his official
capacity he has carefully weighed the position of the
Indians at the present time. I will read you a few sen-
tences from his lately-published book, “ New India,” and
they will give you an idea of what India wants. He says:
“ There can be no doubt that English rule in its present
form cannot continue. The leaders of the National move-
ment assume, and assume rightly, that the connexion

between India and England will not be snapped

It is a sublimer function of Imperial dominion to unite
the varying races under our sway into one Empire ‘ broad-
based upon the people’s will ’ ... to afford scope to their
political aspirations, and to devote ourselves to the peace-
ful organisation of their political federation and autono-
mous independence as the only basis of our ultimate
relationship between the two countries.” Again, taking
another point, Sir Henry Cotton writes on the drain of
taxes from India to England: “Taking these (all drain
from India to England in various shapes) into considera-
tion, it is a moderate computation that the annual drafts
from India to Great Britain amount to a total of thirty
millions. .... It can never be to the advantage of the
people of India to remit annually these enormous sums to

256

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

a foreign country Lord Curzon has very forcibly

said, in a speech delivered by him in November, 1902, at
Jaipore : ‘ There is no spectacle which finds less favour
in my eyes, or which 1 have done more to discourage,
than that of a cluster of Europeans settling down
upon a Native State and sucking from it the
moisture which ought to give sustenance to its own
people’.” He adds : “ Lord Curzon has lost sight of

the fact that what is true of the Native States is [true of
the whole of India The keynote of adminis-

trative reform is the gradual substitution of Indian for
European official agency. This is the one end towards
which the educated Indians are concentrating their efforts.
The concession of this demand is the only way by which
we can make any pretence of satisfying even the most
moderate of their legitimate aspirations. It is the first
and mcst pressing duty the Government is called on to
discharge. It is necessary as an economic measure. But
it is necessary also on higher grounds than those of econo-
my. . . . The experiment of a * firm and resolute

government ’ in Ireland has been tried in vain, and the
adoption of a similar policy in India is inevitably destined
to fail.” Next, Sir Henry gives an extract from the cele-
brated speech of Lord Macaulay in 1833 : — “It may be
that the public mind of India may expand under our system
till it has outgrown our system ; that by good government
we may educate our subjects into a capacity for better
government — that having become instructed in Euro-
pean knowledge, they may in some future age demand
European institutions. Whether such a day will ever come
I know not. But never will I attempt to avert or retard
it. Whenever it comes it will be the proudest day in

THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS*

257

English history,” Next there is an extract from Mounts
stuart Elphinstone, in 1850: — “ But we are now doing our
best to raise them in all mental qualities to a level with
ourselves, and to instil into them the liberal opinions in
government and policy which have long prevailed in this
country and it is vain to endeavour to rule them on princi-
ples only suited to a slavish and ignorant population.” On
this Sir Henry Cotton remarks : “ The experience of more
than half a century since they were written merely con-
firms their truth.” And after these I propose to give only
one other extract, and to read just one sentence from
Burks, who says : “ Magnanimity in politics is not seldom
the truest wisdom, and a great Empire and little minds
go ill together. We ought to elevate our minds to the
greatness of that trust to which the order of Providence
has called us.” Now, these extracts which I have read to
you explain what Indians ask for. Their wishes are embodi-
ed in the language of an Anglo-Indian, but I accept them
as a very fair expression of our views. {Cheers.) The
question is : How is this to be accomplished ? There are
only two ways of doing it — either by peaceful organisation
or by revolution. It must, be done either by the Govern-
ment, itself or by some revolution on the part of the people.
It may be asked what do our present reformers want, and
which of these two policies they desire to adopt. I will
give a direct answer to that. [Hear, hear.) In the year
1853, as far as I know the first attempt was made
by Indian politicians or by Indians to form a political
organisation and to express in words their wishes
and demands. That was the period of the renewal
of the East India Company’s Charter, and three
associations were then formed : one in Bombay, an-

17

258

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

other in Calcutta, which is still in existence, and a third in
Madras. The fundamental principle on which they based
their whole action was contained in the words used by Sir
Henry Cotton — that the connexion between England and
India will not snap. That was the foundation of their
action in 1853, when they made their first attempt at
political organisation. As I have said, the British India
Association at Calcutta is still in existence ; that in
Bombay was succeeded by the Bombay Presidency Associa-
tion, and that in Madras by the Madras Mahajana Sabha.
All along they have gone on the same principle, that the
connexion between England and India will continue. In
the evolution of time, as we know, the Indian National
Congress came into existence, twenty years ago, and I may
say that it is the best product of the most beneficial influence
of the connexion between England and India. This unique
phenomenon of different races and different peoples in a
large continent containing an area equal to Europe (Russia
excluded), and embracing quite as many different nation-
alities, coming together to consider proposals for the
amelioration of the condition of the people of India and
giving expression to their views and aspirations in the
noble English language, is a product of which the British
people may well be proud. The next Congress will be the
twentieth, and, I repeat, that from the very beginning the
principle acted upon has been a continuance of the policy
adopted by the earlier Associations to which I have
referred — the continuance of the connexion between
England and India. Then the question is : How are we
going to carry out that policy ? The only way in which the
desired change can be brought about is, in our opinion, by
a peaceful organisation, as Sir Henry Cotton has described

THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

259

it : it must be effected by the Government itself. {Cheers.)
Why is it that the Indian National Congress and we
Indians here have solicited Sir Henry Cotton and Sir
William Wedderburn to go out to India to assist at the
twentieth Congress ? The answer is simply this : that if
these reforms are to be carried out at all, they are entirely
in the hands of the English people. The Indians may cry
aloud as much as they like, but they have no power
whatever to bring about those reforms — the power is
entirely in the hands of the English people and of the
English Government, and our ideas and hopes can meet
with no success unless we get men like Sir Henry Cotton
and Sir William Wedderburn and others to help us to
prove to the Indian people that they need not yet despair,
for the British conscience is not altogether lost yet —
{hear, hear) — and, on the other hand, to persuade the
British people to dc that which is right and just.
We Indian people believe in one thing, and that is
that although John Bull is a little thick-headed, once we
can penetrate through his head into his brain that a
certain thing is right and proper to be done, you
may be quite sure that it will be done. {Cheers.) The
necessity, therefore, of English help is very great — [hear,
hear ) — and we want English gentlemen to go out to India,
not in their twos and fours, but in their hundreds, in
order to make the acquaintance of Indians, to know their
character, to learn their aspirations, and to help them to
secure a system of self-government worthy of a civilised
people like the British. {Cheers.) On this Occasion we
Indians have invited a number of English gentlemen to
come and sympathise with us in giving a good send-off to
our two guests, and it is a most gratifying fact that there

260

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

has been so cordial a response to our invitation, and that
we have here gentlemen like Mr. Courtney, Mr. Lough,
Mr. Frederic Harrison, and others. We cannot in the
face of this, but hope that good days are coming, and we
should never despair. Mr. Courtney was a member of a
Royal Commission of which I was also a member. We
agreed, and we disagreed. But what was his line of
action all through ? He displayed a spirit of fairness
in the consideration of every question which came
before the Commission. {Hear, hear.) Mr. Lough has
long been helping us, and when I was a member of
the House of Commons I always found him a staunch
and good friend of India in the House, while outside
he has always accepted our invitations to help us where-
ever possible. Mr. Frederic Harrison has also been a
great source of strength to our cause. I am sorry
Mr. Hyndman is not here. He has been for twenty-six years
a steady friend of the amelioration of the condition of India,
and we hope that after the next General Election we may
have his valuable support in the House of Commons. I
appeal to every Englishman, for his own patriotism and for
the good of his own country, as well as ours, if he wishes
the British Empire to be preserved, to exert himself to
persuade the British people that the right course to be
adopted towards India is one worthy of British civilisa-
tion — worthy of those great days in the thirties — the days
of emancipation, of the abolition of slavery, and of the
amelioration of many forms of human suffering. It was
in the year 1833 that we got our great Charter — the
Charter confirmed by the Proclamation of 1858. We ask
for nothing more than the fulfilment of the pledges con-,
tainedinthat Charter. Those are our demands as put

THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

261

forward by Sir Henry Cotton, and I can only say that
they constitute a reversion to the policy of 1833 — a policy
embodied in promises which, had they been fulfiled in
their entirety, would have resulted in their meeting that
day being of an entirely different nature — they would
have been proclaiming their gratitude, instead of pleading
to the English to reverse their policy and introduce one
worthy of their name and civilisation. {Cheers.) As
Macaulay had declared : “ It was to no purpose if they were
free men and if they grudged the same freedom to other
people.” ( Hear , hear.) I therefore appeal to every English-
man, for the sake of his own patriotism, as well as for the
cause of humanity — for all reasons good and beneficent — to
reverse their policy towards India and to adopt one worthy
of the British name. I was one of those who started the
Bombay Association in 1853, and from that time until
now I have always been a worker in the cause. {Cheers.)
My principle has been from the beginning based on the
necessity of the continuance of the connexion between
England and India. I hope I may hold that view to the
end of my life. I am bound, however, to mention one
fact, and I will do so without comment. Leaving aside
the general system of government, which we condemn,
there have been during the past six or seven years repres-
sive, restrictive, and reactionary methods adopted, and
there has been, further, a persistence in the injustice of
imposing upon India the burden of expenditure incurred
for purely Imperial purposes. What I want to point out
is that the rising generation of Indians may not be able to
exercise that patience which we of the passing and past
generations have shown. A spirit of discontent and dissatis-
faction is at present widely spread among the Indians in

262

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI.

India, and I wish our rulers to take note of that fact and
to consider what it means. An Empire like that of India
cannot be governed by little minds. The rulers must
expand their ideas, and we sincerely hope that they will
take note of this unfortunate circumstance and will adopt
measures to undo the mischief. [Cheers.) In the name of
my Indian friends I thank the guests who have accepted
our invitation, and I now call upon Sir Henry Cotton to
respond to the toast.

XIII.

ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA.

[The following speech was delivered by Mr. Dadabhai
Naoroji in 1904 at the Wesley Hall , Clapham Parkj\

On Tuesday evening last Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, can-
didate for North Lambeth, addressed a meeting under the
auspices of the J. P. Heath Lodge of the Sons of Temper-
ance, at the Wesley Hall, Clapham Park, on “ British
Buie in India : Promises and Performances.” There was,
considering the unpleasant character of the weather, an
excellent attendance, and the audience followed with
marked interest Mr. Naoroji’s eloquent pleading for his
oppressed countrymen, while they also appreciatively
watched the magic lantern views which vividly presented
varied aspects of Indian manners, customs, and architec-
ture. The views wei'e graphically explained by Mr. J. C.
Mukerji, and the lantern was manipulated by Mr. W.
Harnner Owen. The chair was occupied by Mr. Mason,
who, in briefly introducing Mr. Naoroji as the Grand Old
Man of India, explained that although the Sons of
Temperance formed a friendly society, the members were
always glad to keep themselves in touch with the topics of
the day, and hence their invitation to Mr. Naoroji to
address them.

Mr. Naoroji, who was loudly cheered, said that in
order to understand thoroughly the subject he was an-
nounced to lecture upon, and in order to realise the full
significance of British promises and performances in In dia,

264

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

it was necessary he should narrate a few of the historical
facts which led to the promises being given. British rule
in India at its inception was one marked by greed, oppres-
sion, and tyranny of every kind — so much so that even the
Court of Directors of the East India Company was horri-
fied at what was going on. That was the first fact to be
borne in mind. The second was that subsequent to the
rise of the British Empire in India all war expenditure
incurred in connexion with India, and by means of which
the Empire had been built up, had been paid out of Indian
resources entirely, and the bloodshed which was the neces-
sary accompaniment of war was mainly Indian. In the late
Transvaal war Great Britain lost thousands of her sons and
spent nearly 250 millions sterling, and the people of
this country consequently had brought forcibly home to
them what war meant, but in India, while the British
claimed all the glory and reaped all the benefits, the
burdens of war were borne by the Natives. India, had, in
fact, cost Great Britain nothing in money and very little
in blood. But its wealth had thereby been exhausted ;
it had become impoverished, and it had further been
subjected to a system of government under which every
Indian interest was sacrificed for the benefit of the
English people. The system of corruption and oppression
continued until at last the British Government was
shamed by it. Anglo-Indians of high position in the
service had again and again denounced the system in the
most scathing terms, but it would suffice for his present
purpose to remind them that Edmund Burke pointed out
how every position worth having under the Government
was filled by Europeans, to the absolute exclusion of
Natives. The result was that there was a constant and

ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA.

265

most exhausting drain of Indian wealth. Even in those
days it was estimated that the official remittances to
England amounted to three millions sterling, and the
capacity of the people to produce went on diminishing,
until it was now only about £ 2 per head, as compared
with £ 40 per head in Great Britain. This country, too,
enjoyed the benefit of its wealth circulating at home,
while India laboured under the disadvantage that what
it produced was sent to England, and it got nothing in
■return. She was, in fact, deprived of wealth without
mercy year after year, and, in addition to the official
remittances home, to which he had already referred, the
servants of the Government sent heme, privately, an
almost equal sum, which they themselves obtained from
the Natives on their own account. In the early part of
last century there was a Government enquiry every 20
years into the administration of the East India Compai^,
and these at last proved so effective that the statesmen of
the day began to realise the responsibilities and duty of
England to India, and to seriously discuss what should
be Great Britain’s policy. It was in 1833 that they got
the first pledge, and in that year a clause was inserted in
the Charter of the East India Company providing that
in the service of the Government there should be
no distinction raised of race, creed, or colour, but that
ability should be the sole qualification for employment by
the State. That was the first promise, made to the people
of India in the name of the people of the United King-
dom, and it was embodied in an Act of Parliament. Had
it been faithfully and loyally carried out, the existing
state of affairs in India would have been vastly different,
and it would not have been necessary for him to go about

266

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

the country complaining of the dishonour and disgrace
of England, and of the enormity of the evils of British
rule. The first promise was made in 1833, the period
at which the British were rising to their highest glory
in civilisation, an era of emancipation of all kinds, from
the abolition of slavery onwards. Macaulay himself de-
clared that he would be proud to the end of his life of
having taken part in preparing that clause of the Charter,
and clearly the policy of the statesmen of that day was
to extend to India the freedom and liberty which Eng-
land enjoyed. But 20 years passed, and not the slightest
effect was given to the clause : it remained a dead letter,
as if it had never been enacted, and the policy of greed
and oppression continued to obtain in the government of
India. In 1853, the East India Company’s Charter was
again revised, and in those days Mr. John Bright and
Lord Stanley (afterwards Lord Derby) urged strongly
that the service should be open to all and not reserved
exclusively for Europeans — for the nominees and friends
of the Directors of the Company. They contended, too,
for the holding of simultaneous examinations in India
and England, but it was without avail. Then came the
Mutiny of 1857, and after that had been suppressed,,
the statesmen of Great Britain were again forced to con-
sider what should be the policy of this country in India.
The administration of India was taken over from the
Company, and the Proclamation which was issued was
drawn up by Lord Derby, at the special request of Queen
Victoria, in terms of generosity, benevolence, and religious
toleration, such as might well be used by a woman sover-
eign speaking to hundreds of millions of a people the
direct government of whom she was assuming after a

ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA.

26 7

bloody civil war. Nothing could have been more satisfac-
tory than the promise embodied in that Proclamation, and
the Indian people heartily blessed the name of Queen
Victoria for the sympathy she always evinced towards her
Indian subjects. This Proclamation constituted the second
pledge — it was a promise to extend British institutions
to India, to, in fact, give them self-government, it re-
affirmed the promise of the Charter of 1833, and it
declared that her Majesty held herself bound to the
Natives of her Indian territories by the same obligations
of duty as bound her to all her other subjects. Indians
were, in fact, to become true British subjects, with all
the rights and privileges of British subjects, and the
government of the country was to be administered for
the benefit cf all the people resident therein ; for, con-
cluded the Proclamation, “ in her prosperity will be our
strength, in her contentment our security, and in
her gratitude our best reward.” This had well been
called “ India’s Greater Charter.” It was everything they
desired. But, unfortunately, it, too, had remained a dead
letter up to the present time, and to the great and bitter
disappointment of the people of India the promises therein
contained had not been faithfully and honorably fulfilled.
In defiance of the Proclamation, every obstacle had been
placed in the way of Natives obtaining admission to posts
under the Government, the efforts of men like Mr. John
Bright, Lord Derby, and Mr. Fawcett to secure the holding
of simultaneous examinations in England and India had
been frustrated. In 1870, no doubt, an effort was made
by Sir Stafford Northcote, and later on by the Duke of
Argyll, to give effect to the promise of admission of
Natives to the service, but it was defeated by the action

268

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

of the Indian Government. A Native service was estab-
lished, but it was made entirely distinct from the Euro-
pean service — a distinction which was never intended — ■
and it was so arranged that it was bound to prove a
failure. Appointments to it were made by nomination,
not by examination ; back-door i(?bbery took the place of
the claims of ability, and naturally, at the end of ten
years, the service was abandoned because it had never
answered. In 1877, on the proclamation of Queen Victoria
as Empress of India, Lord Lytfcon issued another Procla-
mation in the name of Queen Victoria reiterating the pro-
mises contained in her former Proclamation, but again the
pledge was violated. At the Jubilee in 1887 there was a
renewal of the promise, again to be followed by its being
utterly ignored ; while, later on, a resolution of the British
House of Commons in favour of the holding of simultane-
ous examinations in India and England was carried by
Mr. Herbert Paul, in spite of the opposition of the Gov-
ernment, and that too had been ignored. Thus, they had a
long series of solemn promises made to the ear but abso-
lutely violated in spirit and in letter, to the great dis-
honour and disgrace of Great Britain. Eminent states-
men and officials had frequently admitted the breaking of
these pledges. A Committee appointed by the then Secre-
tary for India unanimously reported in 1860 that the Bri-
tish Government had been guilty of making promises to
the ear and breaking them to the hope ; and that the only
way in which justice could be done to Indians was by hold-
ing simultaneous examinations in England and India, of
the same standard and on the same footing, instead of forc-
ing Indians to go to London at an expense of thousands of
pounds in order to secure admission to the Government

ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA.

269

service. In 1870, the Duke of Argyll declared : “ We
have not fulfilled our duty or the promises and engage-
ments we have made”; later, Lord Lytton made the con-
fession that deliberate and transparent subterfuges had
been resorted to in order to reduce the promise of the
Charter of 1833 to a dead letter ; and that the Gov-
ernments of England and of India were not in a
position to answer satisfactorily the charge that they
Lad taken every means in their power to break
to the heart the promises they had made to the ear. The
Duke of Devonshire, in 1883, asserted that if India was
to be better governed it was to be done only by the
employment of the best and. most intelligent of the
Natives in the service ; while, finally, the late Lord
Salisbury described the promises and their non-fulfilment
as “ political hypocrisy.” That was a nice description
indeed of the character of the British rule in India ; it
was an admission that the conduct of the British Govern-
ment in India had been disgraceful. But let them not
forget that the promises were made by the British Sove-
reign, the British Parliament, and British people, of their
own free will, while the disgrace for their non-fulfilment
attached solely to the British Government, which by its
refusal to act had sullied the honour of the British
people. Two of the greatest offenders in this respect had
been Lord George Hamilton and Lord Curzon, both of
whom had very unpatriotically introduced most reaction-
ary measures, and had pursued a mischievous policy which
had resulted in the gravest injury to the Indian Empire
and the British people. Lord George Hamilton, whose
object surely should have been to make the people attach-
ed to British rule, had openly declared that it never

■270

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

would be popular with them ; while Lord Curzon had done
his very utmost to make it unpopular. He was going
back to that country for a second term of office as Viceroy
but the suggestion that the people would welcome his re-
appearance was falsified by the authoritative expression
of the best Native opinion, and his continuance in the
office of Viceroy could only be productive of serious
injury, both to England and to India, What had been
the result of the non-fulfilment of this long series of pro-
mises 2 The system of greed and oppression still obtained
in the Government of India ; the country was being
selfishly exploited for the sole benefit of Englishmen ; it
was slowly but surely being drained of its wealth, for no
country in the world could possibly withstand a drain of
from 30 to 40 millions sterling annually, such as India
was now subjected to ; its power of production was
diminishing, and its people were dying of hunger by the
million. The responsibility for all this rested upon British
rule. What was the remedy ? Not the mischievous, re-
actionary policy now being pursued by Lord Curzon, but
the taking of steps to transform and revolutionise in a
peaceful manner the present evil and disastrous system of
government, so as to enable the people themselves to take
their full and proper share in the administration of the
affairs of their country. Lord Curzon had described India
as the pivot of the British Empire. India could not be
content with the present state of affairs, and he earnestly
appealed to the people of Great Britain to themselves
compel the Government to redeem the promises so often
made, and to secure for India real self-government, subject,
of course, to the paramountcy of Great Britain, {Cheers.)

XIV.

THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME.

[4 great meeting of Indians resident in the United
Kingdom was held in May 1905 at the Caxton Hall , West-
minster, to protest against Lord Curzon's aspersions upon
the Indian people and their sacred writings , and against the
reactionary legislation that has characterised his adminis-
tration. Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji presided and made the
following speech\ : —

We are met together to-day for a very important
purpose. A unique event has happened, showing signifi-
cantly a sign of the times. We have had in India a
great uprise, and in the chief towns there have been held
monster meetings of Indians, denouncing and protesting
against the sayings and doings of the highest authority
there, making a protest in clear, unmistakable terms
against the policy under which India is ruled. It is,
indeed, a unique event. I, at any rate, do not remem-
ber anything similar having ever taken place in the
history of British India. The Indians have very un-
animously, very earnest^, and very emphatically de-
clared that the system of rule they are now under
should not continue to be. ( Loud cheers.) Let us
consider what that means. More than 50 years ago — •
I will not go back to an earlier period of our history —
Mountstuart Elphinstone said : —

It is in vain to endeavour to rule them (the Indians) on prin-
ciples only suited to a slavish and ignorant population.

And 40 years after — in the last 10 or 12 years —
we find, not only a continuance of the same old system,

272

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI.

but we find ifc brought to bear on the people with even
more energy and more vigour. (“ Shame .”) Soma
11 years ago Sir Henry Fowler distinctly and decidedly
showed us that India was to be governed on the princi-
ples condemned by Elphinstone, for, by his conduct in
refusing to give effect to the resolution regarding simul-
taneous examinations, passed in 1893, he proved that it
was intended to continue the same evil system under
which the country had been governed so long. Then
followed Lord George Hamilton as Secretary of State,
and what did he tell the whole world ? He said : —

Our rule shall never be popular. Our rule can never be
popular.

These were his own words, in one of his early
speeches, and he has taken very good care that his pro-
phecy shall be fulfilled. But his doings were not so
serious as Lord Curzon’s, although he managed to go
quietly on issuing regulation after regulation with the
object of depriving Indians as far as possible of an
opportunity of making any further progress. But then
comes Lord Curzon, and he out-Herods them all. In
the first resolution you have enumerated a number of
his measures — and noc a complete list, for there are
some more of them — which he passed with the declared
and clear intention of continuing to govern India only
on principles suitable to slavish and ignorant populations.
Here, then, we have a clear and distinct issue. Our
rulers — the officials — tell us we shall have no chance of
ever becoming a self-governing country — that they will
not give us an opportunity of preparing ourselves for it.
Undoubtedly, the character of the whole of the mea-
sures passed within the last 10 years points towards such
an intention, and to the retraction of the generous mode

THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 273

which was adopted on some occasions in the time of
Lord Ripon. Now, the Indian people have, for the first
time, risen up and declared that this thing shall not be.
(Loud cheers.) Here is a clear issue between the rulers
and the people : they are come face to face. The rulers
say : “ We shall rule, not only as foreign invaders, with
the result of draining the country of its wealth, and
killing millions by famine, plague, and starving scores of
millions by poverty and destitution.” While the ruled
are saying for the first time, “ That shall not be.” I
regard the day on which the first Calcutta meeting was
held as a red-letter day in the annals of India. {Cheers.)
I am thankful that I have lived to see the birthday of
the freedom of the Indian people. ( Renewed cheers.)
The question now naturally arises, what will be the
consequences of this open declaration of war — as you
may call it — between the rulers and the people ? I will
not give you my own opinions or my own views. Anglo-
Indian officials, who have told us that persistence in the
present evil system of government will lead to certain
consequences. Sir John Malcolm, a well-known Governor
of Bombay, who had a very distinguished career as a
political agent and as an official, after describing the
system that obtained in the government of India, prophe-
sied what would be the necessary consequences, and
said

44 The moral evil to us does not stand alone. It carries
with it its Nemesis : the seeds of the destruction of the
Empire itself.’ ’

Again, Sir Thomas Munro said : —

It would be more desirable that we should be expelled from
the country altogether, than that the result of our system of
government should be such an abasement of a whole people.

18

■«214

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI.

Bright spoke on many occasions, always de-
nouncing the existing system of government. He always
regarded it as an evil and a disgraceful system, and,
after describing the system, he wound up with these
words : —

You may rely upon it that if there be a judgment of
nations — as I believe there is — as for individuals, our children,
in no distant generations, must pay the penalty which we have
purchased by neglecting our duty to the populations of India.
......I say a Government like that has some fatal defect which

at some distance time, must bring disaster and humiliation to
the Government and to the people on whose behalf it rules.

Sir William Hunter, you know, was a very distin-
guished official, and while he spoke as favourably as he
possibly could of the existing system, he did not fail
to point out the evil part of it, and he summed up one
of his lectures in these words : —

We should have had an Indian Ireland multiplied 50-fold
on our hands.

Again, Lord Cromer — ( cheers ) — said : —

Changes should be taking place in the thoughts, the desires,
and the aims of the intelligent and educated men of the country,
which no wise and cautious Government can afford to dis-
regard, and to which they must gradually adapt their system of
administration, if they do not wish to see it shattered by forces
which they have themselves called into being, but which they
have failed to guide and control.

Then, Lord Hartingfcon, when Secretary for India,
pointed out that the exclusion of Indians from the
government of their own country could not be a wise
procedure on the part of the British people, as the only
consequence could be to

make the Indians desirous of getting rid, in the first in-
stance, of their European rulers.

I have read to you only these four or five opinions
of men of position— of high position in the Government,
and of official Anglo-Indians — opinions to the effect that

THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 275

if the present evil system is to continue the result will be
to bring disaster to the British Empire — that, in fact,
the British Empire in India will vanish. That is the
position in which we are at the present time, under an
evil system of rule. Either that evil system must cease
or it must produce disastrous results to the British Em-
pire itself. (Cheers.) The issue before us is clear. Is
India to be governed on principles of slavery or is she to
be governed so as to fit herself as early as possible to
govern herself ?

* * % *

Anyone who reads the items enumerated in the first re-
solution will see that Lord Curzon has set himself most
vigorously and most earnestly to the task of securing that
Indians shall be treated as slaves, and that their country
shall remain the property of England, to be exploited and
plundered at her will. (“ Shame .”) That is the task
to which Lord Curzon has set himself with a vigour
worthy of a better cause. Now, that being the case,
there is a duty on the Indians themselves. (Cheers.)
They have now broken the ice ; they have declared that
they will not be governed as slaves ; and now let them
show a spirit of determination, for, I have very little
doubt that, if the British public were once satisfied that
India is determined to have self-government, it will be
conceded. I may not live to see that blessed day, but
I do not despair of that result being achieved. (Cheers.)
The issue which has now been raised between the
governors and the governed cannot be put aside. The
Indian people have as one body and in a most extra-
ordinary way, risen for the first time to declare their
determination to get an end put to the present evil sys-

276

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

tem of rule. ( Cheers .) Now, 1 come to the first part
of the first resolution — the aspersions and attacks Lord
Curzon has thought proper to make — in, I am afraid, a
little spirit of peevishness — against the character and
religion of the East. I do not need, however, to enter
into any refutation of what he has said, for the simple
reason that, as far as I am concerned, 1 performed that
task 39 years ago, when Mr. Crawford, the President
of the Ethnological Society, wrote a paper full of the
very same ignorant and superficial charges. I replied
to that, and I find that the Oriental Review of
Bombay has reprinted my reply for the present occasion.
{Cheers.) There are one or two other aspects of the
matter I should like to dwell upon. It is very strange
Anglo-Indian officials should throw stones in this matter.
Let us have some enquiry about the manner in which
the British Government have behaved towards India.
Again, I will not give you my own views or ideas. I
will give you those of Englishmen themselves — of men
of the very highest authority. A Committee was formed
in the year 1860, of five members of no less a body than
the Council of the Secretary of State, in order to en-
quire what the Government cf the day should do with
regard to the Act of 1833, by which all disqualification
of race and creed was abolished. This Committee of five
men — all high Anglo-Indian officials, who had done
much work in India, and whose names were all well-
known, gave a very decided opinion that the British
Government had exposed itself to the charge of “ hav-
ing made promises to the ear and broken them to the
hope.” This was in 1860. In 1869, the Duke of Argyll
clearly acknowledged what had been the conduct of the

THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 211

British Government towards the Indian people in these
words : —

I must say that we have not fulfilled our duty or the promises
and engagements which we have made.

That does not look very like sincerity and righteous-
ness on the part of the British Government. {Cheers.)
Then comes Lord Lytton. Something like 18 years after
the Committee had given their opinion — an opinion of
which we knew nothing because the report was pigeon-
holed — Lord Lytton, in a private despatch to the Secre-
tary of State, used these words : —

No sooner was the Act (1833) passed, than the Government
began to devise means for practically evading the fulfilment of
it .... all so many deliberate and transparent subterfuges for

stultifying the Act, and reducing it to a dead letter ] do not

hesitate to say that both the Government of England and of India
appear to me, up to the present moment, unable to answer satis-
factorily the charge of having taken every means in their power of
breaking to the heart the words of promise they had uttered to the
ear.

Lastly, no less a personage than Lord Salisbury sum-
med up the whole thing in two words. He declared that
the conduct of the British Government to the Indian people
was “ political hypocrisy.” It does not, then, lie very well
in the mouth of Anglo-Indian officials to talk of lapses of
Indian character and morality. (Cheers.) They forgot
that they themselves had a very large beam in their own
eyes when they were pointing to a little mote which they
fancied was in the eyes of others. ( Renevied cheering.)

They ought to remember that they are living in glass
houses, and should not throw stones. The next aspect of
Lord Curzon’s charges on which I wish to speak is this :
He does not seem to realise the responsibility of the posi-
tion in which he has been placed. He is there represent-
ing the Sovereign of the Empire — as Viceroy or Second

278 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

King — the head of a great people, 300 millions in number,
who had possessed civilisation for thousands of years, and at
a time when his forefathers were wandering in the forests
here. {Cheers and laughter.) He had a special mission.
His duty as Viceroy is to attract as much as possible and
to attach the good feeling of the Indian people to the
rule of the British Sovereign. What does he do ? By
his acts he deals a deadly blow to British rule, and then,
by a peculiarly ignorant and petulant speech, he creates
almost a revolution in the whole of the Empire. It is
really very strange that he should do so. But I am not
Surprised at what he has done, and I will give you the
reason why. But, first, I will certainly mention one cir-
cumstance in his favour and to his credit. As we all know,
he made a very firm stand against any brutal treatment of
the Indian people by Europeans, and, in so doing, caused
dissatisfaction to his own countrymen. In that he really did
a service, not only to Indians, but to the whole British
Empire. {Cheers.) That one act of his shall not be for-
gotten by Indians, for it shov/ed his sense of the justice
he as a Viceroy should exercise. ( Renewed cheering .) But
by all the acts a,nd measures mentioned in the first
resolution he has tried to Russianise the Indian Adminis-
tration, and with that narrow statesmanship with which
he has all along associated himself, he has forgotten that
while Russianisir.g the Indian administration, he is
Russianising also the people of India, who live at a dis-
tance of 6,000 miles from the centre of the Empire, and
who, consequently, are in a very different position from
the Russians themselves, who are struggling against their
own Government in their own country. ( Hear , hear.) It
is remarkable that Lord Curzon, when he was first appoint-

THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 279

ed Viceroy, said that India was the pivot of the British
Empire, that if the Colonies left the British Empire it
would not matter much, whereas the loss of India would
be the setting of the sun of the Empire. What does he
do ? How does he strengthen that pivot ? One would
think he would put more strength, more satisfaction, and
more prosperity under the pivot, but, instead of that, he
has managed to deposit under it as much dynamite as he
possibly can — dynamite in the form of public dissatisfac-
tion, which, even in his own time, has produced the
inevitable explosion. Surely, that is a remarkable way of
strengthening the connexion between the British and the
Indian peoples. But, as he had said, he was not surprised
at the Viceregal career of Lord Curzon : he was only dis-
appointed and grieved that the fears he entertained when
Lord Curzon was appointed had been fulfilled. It had
been a great disappointment to him, because he had hoped
against hope for something better. The announcement of
his appointment was made in August, 1898, and in the
following September he wrote to a friend in these
terms : — -

I am hoping against hope about Mr. Curzon, for this reason.
Lord Salisbury was at one time not a little wild. When he came
to the India Office he seemed to have realised his responsibility,
and proved a good Secretary of State, as things go — at least, an
honestly outspoken one. Will Curzon show this capacity ? That
is to be seen.

My disappointment is that he did not show thi s
capacity, and did not realise the responsibility of his
position — he did not know how to govern the Indian
Empire. I will not take up more of your time. The
crisis has come ; the people and the rulers are face
to face. The people have for 150 years suffered
patiently, and, strange to say, their patience has been made

280

SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI.

a taunt as well as viewed as a credit to them. Often I
have been taunted with the fact that 300 millions of
Indians allow themselves to be governed like slaves by a
handful of people. And then it is stated to their credit
that they are a law-abiding, civilised, and long-suffering
people. But the spell is broken. (Cheers.) The old days
have passed, and the Indian of to-day looks at the
whole position in quite a different light. New India
is becoming restless, and it is desirable that the Govern-
ment should at once realise it. I hope that the next
Government we have will reconsider the whole position,
and will see and understand the changes that have taken
place in the condition, knowledge, and intelligence of the
Indian people. (Cheers.) I hope that steps will be taken
more in conformity with the changes that have taken place,
and that things will not be allowed to go on in their pre-
sent evil wajT-, to the detriment of the Empire itself as well
as the suffering of the people. (Loud cheers.)

PART II.

Drtdnbt)ni JJooroji’s iJDritings.

ADMINISTRATION AND MANAGEMENT
OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE *

Dear Lord Wei by, — 1 beg to place before you and
other Members of the Commission a few notes about the
scope and importance of its work.

The Reference consists of two parts. The first is :
To enquire into the Administration and Management
of the Military and Civil Expenditure incurred under the
authority of the Secretary of State for India in Council,
or of the Government of India.”

This enquiry requires to ascertain whether the
present system of the Administration and Management
of Expenditure, both here and in India, secures suffi-
ciency and efficiency of services, and all other satisfactory
results, at an economical and affordable cost; whether there
is any peculiar inherent defect, or what Mr. Bright called
“ fundamental error ”t in this system ; and the necessity
or otherwise of every expenditure.

I shall deal with these items as briefly as possible,
simply as suggestively and not exhaustively : —

“ Sufficiency.” — The Duke of Devonshire (then,
1883, Lord Hartington) as Secretary of State for India
has said + : “ There can in my opinion be very little
doubt that India is insufficiently governed.”

Sir William Hunter has said § : “ The constant de-

* Submitted by Mr. Naoroji to the Welby Commission,
October 1895.

+ Speech in House of Commons, 3/6/1853.

t /&., 23/8/83.

§ “ England’s Work in India,” p. 131, 1880.

282

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

raand for improvement in the general executive will
require an increasing amount of administrative labour.”

“ Efficiency It stands to reason that when a
country is “ insufficiently governed,” it cannot be effici-
ently governed, however competent each servant, high
and low, may be. The Duke of Devonshire assumes as
much in the words, “ if the country is to be better
governed.” So does Sir William Hunter : “ If we are
to govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply.”
These words will be found in the fuller extracts given
further on.

“ Economical and Affordable Cost.” — The Duke of
Devonshire has said * : “ The Government of India

cannot afford to spend more than they do on the ad-
ministration of the country, and if the country is to be
better governed, that can only be done by the employ-
ment of the best and most intelligent of the Natives in
the Service.”

Sir William Hunter, after referring to the good
work done by the Company, of the external and internal
protection, has said f But the good work thus com-
menced has assumed such dimensions under the Queen’s
Government of India that it can no longer be carried on,
or even supervised by imported labour from England
except at a cost which India cannot sustain,” . . . I

“ forty years hereafter we should have had an Indian
Ireland multiplied fifty-fold on our hands. The condi-
tion of things in India compels the Government to enter
on these problems. Their solution and the constant
demand for improvement in the general executive, will

^ House of Commons, 23/8/1883.
t “ England’s Work in India,” p. 130.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 283

require an increasing amount of administrative labour.
India cannot afford to pay for that labour at the English
rates, which are the highest in the world for official
service. But she can afford to pay for it at her own
Native rates, which are perhaps the lowest in the world
for such employment.” “ You cannot work with im-
ported labour as cheaply as you can with Native labour,
and I regard the more extended employment of the
Natives not only as an act of justice but as a financial
necessity.” “ The appointment of a few Natives annually
to the Covenanted Civil Service will not solve the prob-
lem. .... If we are to govern the Indian people effi-
ciently and cheaply, we must govern them by means of
themselves, and pay for the Administration at the market
rates of Native labour.”*

“ Any Inherent Defect.” : — Mr. Bright saidf : — “ I
must say that it is my belief that if a country be found
possessing a most fertile soil and capable of bearing every
variety of production, and that notwithstanding the people
are in a state of extreme destitution and suffering, the
chances are there is some fundamental error in the govern-
ment of that country.” f|

I take an instance : Suppose a European servant

draws a salary of Its. 1,000 a month. He uses a portion
of this ior all his wants, of living, comfort, etc., etc. All
this consumption by him is at the deprivation of an Indian
who would and could, under right and natural circum-
stances, occupy that position and enjoy that provision.
This is the first partial loss to India, as, at least, the
services enjoyed by the Europeans are rendered by Indians

* “ England’s Work in India,” pp. 118-19.

t House of Commons, 3/6/1853.,

284

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

as they would have rendered to any Indian occupying the
position. But whatever the European sends to England
for his various wants, and whatever savings and pension he
ultimately, on his retirement, carries away with him, is a
complete drain out of the country, crippling her whole
material condition and her capacity to meet all her wants —
a dead loss of wealth together with the loss of work and
wisdom — i. e ., the accumulated experience of his service*
Besides, all State expenditure in this country is a dead
loss to India.

This peculiar inherent evil or fundamental error in
the present British Indian administration and management
of expenditure and its consequences have been fortold more
than a hundred years ago by Sir John Shore (1787) :

“Whatever allowance we make for the increased industry of
the subjects of the State, owing to the enhanced demand for the
produce of it (supposing the demand to be enhanced), there is
reason to conclude that the benefits are more than counterbalan-
ced by evils inseparable from the system of a remote foreign
dominion.” *

And it is significantly remarkable that the same in-
herent evil in the present system of administration and
management of expenditure has been, after nearly a hun-
dred years, confirmed by a Secretary of State for India.
Lord Randolph Churchill has said in a letter to the
Treasury (1886) + :

“The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources
of public revenue is very peculiar, not merely from the habits of
the people and their strong aversion to change, which is more
specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, but likewise from the
character of the government, which is in the hands of foreigners
who hold all the principle administrative offices and form so large
a part of the Army. The impatience of the new taxation which
will have to be borne wholly as a consequence of the foreign rule
imposed on the country, and virtually to meet additions to charges

* Parliamentary Return 377 of 1812. Minute, para 132.

t Par. Return [c.4868], 1886.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 285

arising outside of the country, would constitute a political danger
the real magnitude of which it is to be feared is not at all appreci-
ated by persons who have no knowledge of or concern in the
government of India, but which those responsible for that govern-
ment have long regarded as of the most serious order.”

Lord Salisbury, as Secretary of State for India, put
the same inherent evil in this manner : “ The injury is

exaggerated in the case cf India, where so much of the
revenue is exported without a direct equivalent.” And he
indicates the character of the present system of the
administration and management of expenditure as being
that India must be bled.” * I need not say more upon
this aspect of the inherent evil of the present system of
expenditure.

“ The necessity or otherwise ” of any expenditure is
a necessary preliminary for its proper administration and
management, so as to secure all I have indicated above.
You incidentally instanced at the last meeting that all ex-
penditure for the collection of revenue will have tc be
considered — and so, in fact, every expenditure in both
countries will have its administration, management and
necessity, to be considered .

The second part of the Reference is “ The apportion-
ment of charge between the Governments of the United
Kingdom and of India for purposes in which both are
interested.”

What we shall have to do is, first to ascertain all the
purposes in which both countries are interested by examin-
ing every charge in them, and how far each of them is re-
spectively interested therein.

In my opinion there are some charges in which the

* Par. Return [c. 3086-1], 1881, p. 144. Minute, 29/4/75.

2 86

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

United Kingdom is almost wholly or wholly interested.
But any such cases will be dealt with as they arise.

After ascertaining such purposes and the extent of
the interest of each country the next thing to do would be
to ascertain the comparative capacity of each country, so as
to fix the right apportionment according to such extent of
interest and such capacity.

I shall just state here what has been already admitted
to be the comparative capacity by high authorities. Lord
Cromer (then Major Baring), as the Finance Minister of
India, has said in his speech on the Budget (1882) : “ In
England, the average income per head of population was
<£33 ; in France, it was <£23 ; in Turkey, which was the
poorest country in Europe, it was £4 per head.” I may add
here that Mulhall gives for Russia above <£9 per head.
About India, Lord Cromer says : “ Ic has been calculated
that the average income per head of population in India is
not more than Rs. 27 a year ; and though I am not prepared
to pledge myself to the absolute accuracy of a calculation of
this sort, it is sufficiently accurate to justify the conclu-
sion that the taxpaying community is exceedingly poor. To
derive any very large increase of revenue from so poor a
population as this is obviously impossible, and, if it were
possible, would be unjustifiable.” “ But he thought it was
quite sufficient to show the extreme poverty of the mass of
the people.” I think the principles of the calculation for
India and the other countries are somewhat different ; but
that, if necessary, would be considered at the right time.
For such large purposes with which the Commission has
to deal these figures might be considered enough for
guidance. I then asked Lord Cromer to give me the
details of his calculations, as my calculations, which, I

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE.

287

think, were the very first of their kind for India, had made
out only Rs. 20 per head per annum. Though Rs. 27 or
Rs. 20 can make but very small difference in the conclusion
of “ extreme poverty of the mass of the people,” still to
those “ extremely poor ” people whose average is so small,
and even that average cannot be available to every in-
dividual of them, the difference of so much as Rs. 7, or
nearly 33 per cent., is a matter of much concern. Lord
Cromer himself says : “ He would ask honourable members
to think what Rs. 27 per annum was to support a person,
and then he would ask whether a few annas was nothing
to such poor people.”

Unfortunately, Lord Cromer refused to give me his
calculations. These calculations were, I am informed,
prepared by Sir David Barbour, and the results embodied
in a Note. I think the Commission ought to have this
Note and details of calculations, and also similar calcula-
tions, say for the last five years or longer, to the latest day
practicable. This will enable the Commission to form a
definite opinion of the comparative capacity, as well as of
any progress or otherwise in the condition of the people,
and the average annual production of the country.

The only one other authority on the point of capacity
which I would now give is that of Sir Henry Fowler as
Secretary of State for India. He said* : 11 Now, as to the
revenue, I think the figures are very instructive. Whereas
in England the taxation is £2 11s. 8 d. per head ; in Scot-
land, £2 8s. 1 d. per head ; and in Ireland, £\ 12s. 5 d. per
head ; the Budget which I shall present to-morrow will
show that the taxation per head in India is something like
2s. 6 d., or one- twentieth the taxation of the United King-

# Budget Debate, 15/8/94.

288

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

dom and one-thirteenth of that of Ireland.” And that thi&
very small capacity of 2s. 6 d. per head is most burdensome
and oppressive is admitted on all hands, and the authori-
ties are at their wits’ ends what to do to squeeze out more.
So far back as 1870* * * § Mr. Gladstone admitted about India
as a country, “ too much burdened,” and in 1893,t he
said : “ The expenditure of India and especially the Military
expenditure is alarming.”

Sir David Barbour said? : “ The financial position of
the Government of India at the present moment is such as
to give cause for apprehension.” “ The prospects of the
future are disheartening. Ӥ

Lord Landsdowne, as Viceroy, said i| : “We should
be driven to lay before the Council so discouraging an
account of our Finances, and to add the admission, that,
for the present, it is beyond our power to describe the
means by which we can hope to extricate ourselves from the
difficulties and embarrassments which surround us.” “ My
hon. friend is, I am afraid, but too well justified in re-
garding our position with grave apprehension.” “ We have
to consider nob so much the years which are past and gone
as those which are immediately ahead of us, and if we look
forward to these, there can be no doubt that we have
cause for serious alarm.” *f[

“ Many such confessions can be quoted. And now when
India is groaning under such intolerable heavy expendi-
ture, and for the relief of which, indeed, this very Royal

* Hansard, vol. 201, p. 521, 10/5/1870.

t Hansard, vol. 14, p. 622, 30/6/1893.

t Par - Return 207, of 1893, Financial Statement, 23/3/93.

§ 76., para. 28.

Jf Par. Return 207, of 1893. Financial Statement, 23 / 3/93
f p ar. Return! 207, of 1893, p. 110. Financial Statement’

23/3/93.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 289

Commission lias come into existence, the utmost that can
be squeezed out of it to meet such expenditure is 2s. 6(2.
per head. Thus, by the statement of Sir H. Fowler as
Secretary of State for India, the relative capacity of poor
India at the utmost pressure is only one-twentieth of the
capacity of the prosperous and wealthy United Kingdom.
But there is still something worse. When the actual pres-
sure of both taxations as compared, with the respective
means of the two countries is considered, it will be found
that the pressure of taxation on extremely poor” India
is much more heavy and oppressive than that on the most
wealthy country of England.

Even admitting for the present the overestimate of
Lord Cromer of Us. 27 income, and the underestimate of
Sir H. Fowler about 2s. 6 (2., revenue raised, the pressure of
percentage of the Indian Revenue, as compared with India’s
means of paying, is even then slightly higher than that
of the United Kingdom. But if my estimates of means
and revenue be found correct, the Indian pressure or per-
centage will be found to be fifty or more per cent, heavier
than that on the United Kingdom.

You have noticed a similar fallacy of regarding a
smaller amount to be necessarily a lighter tax in the Irish
Royal Commission.

“ 2613.* You went on to make rather a striking com-
parison between the weight of taxation in Ireland and
Great Britain, and I think you took the years 1841 to 188U
In answer to Mr. Sexton, taking it head by head, the inci-
dence of taxation was comparatively very light I may say in
1841, and very heavy comparatively in 1881 ? — Yes.

* Par. Return [c. 7720-1], 1895. Lord Welby.
19

290

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

“ 2614. I would ask you does not that want some
qualification. If you take alone without qualification the
incidence of taxation upon people, leaving out of view en-
tirely the fact whether the people have become in the
interval poorer or richer, will you not get to a wrong con-
clusion ? Let me give you an instance of what I mean. I
will take such a place as the Colony of Victoria. Before
the gold discoveries you had there a small, sparse, squat-
ting population, probably very little administered, and
paying very few taxes. Probably in such a case you would
find out that the incidence of taxation at that time was
extremely small ? — Yes.

“ 2615. But take it thirty or forty years later when
there was a greater population, and what I am now dwell*
ing upon, an improvement in wealth, you would find out
that the incidence of taxation was very much heavier per
head ; for instance, perhaps 5s. per head at first, and per-
haps £2 in the second ; but it would be wrong to dra w the
conclusion from that fact that the individuals were rela-
tively more heavily taxed at the later period than the first.
Would it not ? ”

Similarly, it would be wrong to draw the conclusion
that the individuals of England were more heavily taxed
than those of India, because the average of the former was
£2 11s. 8 d. and that of the latter was 2s. 6 d. An elephant
may carry a ton with ease, but an ant will be ciushed by a
quarter ounce.

Not only is India more heavily taxed than England to
supply its expenditure, but there is another additional des-
tructive circumstance against India. The whole British
taxation of £2 11s. 8d. per head returns entirely to the
people themselves from whom it is raised. But the 2s. 6 d.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 291

so oppressively obtained out of the poverty-stricken Indians
does not all return to them. No wonder that with such a
destructive and unnatural system of “ the administration
and management of expenditure” millions perish by famine
and scores of millions, or — as Lord Lawrence said (1864) —
“ the mass of the people, enjoy only a scanty subsistence.”
Again in 1873, before the Select Committee of the House of
Commons, Lord Lawrence said : “ The mass of the people
of India are so miserably poor that they have barely the
means of subsistence. It is as much as a man can do to
feed his family or half-feed them, let alone spending money
on what may be called luxuries or conveniences.” I was
present when this evidence was given, and I then
noted down these words. I think they are omitted
from the published report, I do not know why and
by whom. In considering therefore the administration
and management of expenditure and the apportion-
ment of charge for common purposes, all such
circumstances are most vital elements, the importance of
the attention to which cannot be over-estimated.

The Times of 2nd July last, in its article on “ Indian
Affairs,” estimates the extent and importance of the work
of the Commission as follows :

“ Great Britain is anxious to deal fairly with India. If it
should appear that India has been saddled with charges which the
British taxpayer should have borne, the British taxpayer will not
hesitate to do his duty. At present we are in the unsatisfactory
position which allows of injurious aspersions being made on the
justice and good faith of the British nation, without having the
means of knowing whether the accusations are true or false.
Thoss accusations have been brought forward in the House of
Lords, in the House of Commons, and in a hundred newspapers,
pamphlets and memorials in India. Individual experts of equal
authority take opposite sides in regard to them. Any curtail-
ment of the scope of the Royal Commission’s enquiry which
might debar reasonable men from coming to a conclusion on these

292

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

questions would be viewed with disappointment in England and
with deep dissatisfaction throughout India.”

Now, what are the “accusations” anu “injurious
aspersions” on the justice and good faith of the British
nation ? Here are some statements by high authorities as
to the objects and results of the present system of the ad-
ministration and management of expenditure of British
Indian revenues.

Macaulay pointed out :

“ That would indeed be a doting wisdom, which, in order
that India might remain a dependency, would make it a useless
and costly dependency- -which would keep a hundred millions of
men from being our customers in order that they might continue
to be our slaves.”^

Lord Salisbury says : “ India must be bled.”f

Mr. Bright said :

“ The cultivators of the soil, the great body of the population
of India, are in a condition of great impoverishment, of great
dejection, and of great suffering.”!

“ We must in future have India governed, not for a handful
of Englishmen, not for that Civil Service whose praises are so
constantly sounded in this House. You may govern India, if
you like, for the good of England, but the good of England must
come through the channels of the good of India. There are but
two modes of gaining anything b} our connexion with India.
The one is by plundering the people of India, and the other by
trading with them. I prefer to do it by trading with them. But
in order that England may become rich by trading with India,
India itself must become rich.” §

Now, as long as the present system is what
Mr. Bright characterises by implication as that of plunder-
ing, India cannot become rich.

“ I say that a Government put over 250,000,000 of people,
which has levied taxes till it can levy no more, which spends all
that it can levy, and which has borrowed £100,000,000 more than
all that it can levy — I say a Government like that has some fatal
defect, which, at some not distant time, must bring disaster and

* Hansard, vol. 19. p. 533, 10/7/1833.

t Par. Return [c. 3086-1], 1881.

! House of Commons, 14/6/1858.

§ House of Commons, 24/6/1858.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 293

humiliation to the Government and to the people on whose behalf
it rules.” ^

Mr. Fawcett said :

u Lord Metcalf had well said that the bane of our system was
that the advantages were reaped by one class and the work was
done by another.”!*

Sir George Wingate* says with regard to the present
system of expenditure :

“ Taxes spent in the country from which they are raised
are totally different in their effect from taxes raised in one
country and spent in another. In the former case the taxes
collected from the population .... are again returned to
the industrious classes. . . . But the case is wholly different

when the taxes are not spent in the country from which they are
raised. . . They constitute. ... an absolute loss and ex-

tinction of the whole amount withdrawn from the taxed country
. . . . might as well be thrown into the sea. . . . Such

is the nature of the tribute we have so long exacted from India.

. . . . From this explanation some faint conception may be

formed of the cruel, crushing effect of the tribute upon
India.” “ The Indian tribute, whether weighed in the scales of jus-
tice, or viewed in the light of our own interest, will be found to be
at variance with humanity, with common sense, and with the re-
ceived maxims of economic science.”

Lord Lawrence, Lord Cromer, Sir Auckland Colvin
and others declare the extreme poverty of British India,
and that after a hundred years of the administration of
expenditure by the most highly-praised and most highly-
paid service in the world — by administrators drawn from
the same class which serves in England.

Sir John Shore, as already stated, predicted a hun-
dred years ago that under the present system the benefits
are more than counterbalanced by its evils.

A Committee of five members § of the Council of the

* Speech in the Manchester Town Hall, 11/12/1877.

t Hansard, vol. 191, p. 1841, 5/5/1868.

J “ A Few Words on our Financial Relations with India.”
(London, Richardson Bros., 1859.)

§ Sir J. P. Willoughby, Mr. Mangles, Mr. Arbuthnot, Mr. Mae-
Naughton, Sir E. Perry.

/

294

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Secretary of State for India said, in 1860, that the British
Government was exposed to the charge of keeping promise
to the ear and breaking it to the hope ; and Lord Lytton*
said, in 1878, the same, with greater emphasis, in a
Minute which it is desirable the Commission should have. .

Lord Lytton said f :

“ The Act of Parliament is so undefined, and indefinite obliga-
tions on the part of the Government of India towards its Native
subjects are so obviously dangerous, that no sooner was the Act
passed than the Government began to devise means for practical-
ly evading the fulfilment of it. Under the terms of the Act, which
are studied and laid to heart by that increasing class of educated
Natives whose development the Government encourages without
being able to satisfy the aspirations of its existing members, every
such Native, if once admitted to Government employment in posts
previously reserved to the covenanted service, is entitled to
expect and claim appointment in the fair course of promoti u to
the highest post in that service. We all know that these Haims
and expectations never can or will be fulfilled. We have had to
choose between prohibiting them and cheating them, and we have
chosen the least straightforward course. The application to
Natives of the competitive examination system — as conducted in
England — and the recent reduction in the age at which candi-
dates can compete are also many deliberate and transparent subter-
fuges for stultifying the Act, and reducing it to a dead letter.
Since I am writing confidentially, I do not hesitate to say that
both the Governments of England and of India appear to me, up
to the present moment, unable to answer satisfactorily the charge
of having taken every means in their power of breaking to the
heart the words of promise they had uttered to the ear.”

The Duke of Argyll saidj :

“ I must say that we have not fulfilled our duty or the pro-
mises and engagements which we have made.”

When Lord Northbrook pleaded§ (1883) the Act of
Parliament of 1833, the Court of Directors’ explanatory
despatch and the great and solemn Proclamation of 1858,

Report of the first Indian National Congress, p. 30.
t I believe this to be in a Minute 30/5/1878 (?) to which the
Government of India’s Despatch of 2/5/1878 refers. Par. Return
[C. 2376, 1870, p. 15],

l Speech in House of Lords, 11/3/1869.

§ Hansard, vol. 277, p. 1792, 9/4/1883.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 295

Lord Salisbury in reply said : “My lords, I do not see
what is the use of all this political hypocrisy.”*

The Act for which Macaulay said : “I must say that
to the last day of my life I shall be proud of having been
one of those who assisted in the framing of the Bill which
contains that clause ; ” the clause which he called “ that
wise, that benevolent, that noble clause,” and which Lord
Lansdovvne supported in a noble speech as involving “ the
happiness or misery of 100,000,000 of human beings,” and
as “ confident that the strength of the Government would
be increased ; ” and the great and most solemn proclama-
tion of the Sovereign on behalf of the British nation are,
according to Lord Salisbury, “ political hypocrisy ! ” Can
there be a more serious and injurious aspersion on the
justice and good faith of the British nation ?

The Duke of Devonshire pointed out that it would
not be wise to tell a patriotic Native that the Indians shall
never have any chance “ except by their getting rid in the
first instance of their European rulers. ”fi

From the beginning of British connexion with India
up to the present day India has been made to pay for every
possible kind of expenditure for the acquisition and mainten-
ance of British rule, and Britain has never contributed her
fair share (except a small portion on few rare occasions, such
as the last Afghan War) for all the great benefits it has
always derived from all such expenditure and “ bleeding ”
or “ slaving ” of India. And so this is a part of the im-
portant mission of this Commission, to justly apportion
charge for purposes in which both countries are interested.

* lb p. 1798.

t House of Commons, 23/8/1883.

296

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Such are some of the “accusations” and “injurious
aspersions being made on the justice and good faith of the
British nation,” while truly “ Great Britain is anxious to
deal fairly with India.” Justly does the Times conclude
that “ any curtailment of the scope of the Royal Com-
mission’s enquiry which might debar reasonable men from
coming to a conclusion on these questions would be viewed
with disappointment in England and with deep dissatis-
faction throughout India.”

The Times is further justified when Sir Henry Fowler
himself complained of “ a very strong indictment of the
British government of India ” having been “ brought
before the House and the country.”* And it is this
indictment which has led to the enquiry.

On the 10th of this month the Times , in a leader on
the conduct of the Transvaal with regard to trade and
franchise, ends in these words : “ A man may suffer the
restriction of his liberty with patience for the advancement
of his material prosperity. He may sacrifice material
prosperity for the sake of a liberty 7- which he holds more
valuable. When his public rights and his private inter-
ests are alike attacked the restraining influences on which
the peace of civilised societies depends are dangerously
weakened.”

So, when the Indian finds that the present adminis-
tration and management of expenditure sacrifice his
material prosperity, that he has no voice in the adminis-
tration and management of the expenditure of his country,
and that every burden is put upon h?s head alone — when
thus both “ his public rights and private interests are alike

* House of Commons, 15/8/1894.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 297

attacked the restraining influences on which the peace of
civilised societies depends are dangerously weakened.”

Sir Louis Mallet ends his Minute of 3rd February,
1875, on Indian Land Revenue with words which deserve
attention as particularly applicable to the administration,
management, and necessity of Indian expenditure.* He
says :

By a perpetual interference with the operation of laws
which our own rule in India has set in motion, and which I
venture to think are essential to success — by a constant habit of
palliating symptoms instead of grappling with disease — may we
not be leaving to those who come after a task so aggravated by
our neglect or timidity that what is difficult for us may be
impossible for them ?

I understand that every witness that comes before
the Commission will not be considered as of any party, or
to support this or that side, but as a witness of the Com-
mission coming for the simple object of helping the Com-
mission in finding out the actual whole truth of every
question under consideration.

I shall esteem it a favour if, at the next meeting, you
will be so good as to place this letter before the Commis-
sion. I may mention that I am sending a copy to every
member of the Commission, in order that they may be
made acquainted beforehand with its contents.

Yours truly,

Dadabhai Naoroji.

Par. Return [e. 3086-1], 1881, p. 135.

298

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

II.

Dear Lord Wei by, — I now submit to the Commission
a further representation* upon the most important test of
the present “Administration and Management of Expendi-
ture,” viz., its results.

Kindly oblige me by laying it before the Commission
at the next meeting. I shall send a copy of it to every
member of the Commission. As the reference to the Com-
mission embraces a number of most vital questions — vital
both to England and India — I am obliged to submit my
representation in parts. When I have finished I shall be
willing, if the Commission think it necessary, to appear as
a witness to be cross-examined upon my representations.
If the Commission think that I should be examined on
each of my representations separately, I shall be willing to-
be examined.

In the Act of 1858 (see. LIII) Parliament provided
that among other information for its guidance the Indian
authorities should lay before it every year “ A Statement
prepared from detailed Reports from each Presidency and
District in India, in such form as shall best exhibit the
Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India in
each such Presidency.” Thereupon such Reports were
ordered by the Government of India to be prepared by the
Government of each Presidency.

As a beginning the Reports were naturally imperfect
in details. In 1862, the Government of India observed :
“ There is a mass of statistics in the Administration Re-
ports of the various Local Governments .... but they
are not compiled on any uniform plan .... so as to show

* Submitted to the Welby Commission on 9th January 1896.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 299

the statistics of the Empire ” (Fin. Con., June, ’62). The
Statistical Committee, which the Government of India had
organised for the purpose, prepared certain Forms of
Tables, and after receiving reports on those forms from the
different Governments made a Report to the Government
of India, with revised Forms of Tables (Office Memorandum,
Financial Department, No. 1,043, dated 28/2/66). The
members of this Committee were Mr. A. Grote, president,
and Messrs. G. Campbell, D. Cowie, and G. Smith.

I confine myself in this statement to the tables con-
cerning only the material condition of India, or what are
called “ Production and Distribution.”

The following are the tables prescribed : —

PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION.

FORM D. — Agriculture.

Under a former Section provision is made for information
regarding soils so far as nature is concerned, and we
have now to do with what the soil produces, and with
all that is necessary to till the soil, all of which is
embraced under the heads — Crop, Stock, Rent, and
Production.

Crops Cultivated in Acres, actual or approximate. — 1.

w

-

ame of I
trict

■*3

(D ©

© XJ

• i— 1

ther Foe
Grains

DO

ns

©

©

eg

£0

G

O

■13

o

5

o

•S 3

xn

2

g

o

©

©

eg

G2

O

eg

©

©

©

SG

o

© .

-4-3

© •

&£ ©
© otj

O

O

m

O

o

1— 1

£

EH

O

Total

300

DADABHAI NAOROJI S WRITINGS,

Stock. — 2.

a a

•istrict

ows and
Buffaloe

orses

onies

onkeys

heep and
Goats

03

&0

02

xt

3 ?

& -2

OB

-4-3

eg

O

H O

33 Ph ft m

3

C pH

PQ

Total

Bates of Bent and Produce.—

-3.

Average Rent per Acre for Land suited for

W
U £

02

H3

0

Distric

Rice

Wheat

Inferio

Grai

Indigo

Cotton

Opium

03

03

m

O

Fibres

Sugar

03

03

eg

O

H

General

Average

Average Produce of Land per

Acre in

lbs.

02

c

03

**

O g "D

0

=3

Distric

Rice

Wheat

Infer]
Food Gi

Indigo

Cotton

Opium

Oil See
Fibres

Sugar

03

03

eg

eg

O <33

EH H

Coffee,

&c.,

General

Average

FORM E.

Price of Produce and Labour at the end

of the year.

Produce. — 1.

Price of Produce per maurid of 80 lbs.

-4-3

r G

03

.2

-2 03 S3

CS a» 0

%

-4-3 <X>

32 03

03 02 QJ *3

n <— -u • 4J

to

r

3 3

S S O

i-l \0

p

zn

'cS

m

03

General

Average

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 301

Prices — continued.

Labour. — 2.

'bb &I &

o ® 'S

P""*

P4 cc

Wages
per diem.

fi go P
General average

d d

o o

©

s*

o

o

03

02 r£

E*~» .

© S-i
k- a.

c ^
c

A

o

-4—

•4J

S-i

®

a

Note. — The general character of the staple of the district
should be stated as “Cotton, Indigenous,” “Cotton, New Orleans,”
“ Sugar, Raw,” “ Sugar, Refined,” “ Salt, Rock,” “ Salt, Samber
Lake,” and so on.

FORM F.

Mines and Quarries.

T3

©

©
©
cS S

S-l

S 0

PU

94— I

O

© 02
.O ©

©

a

FORM G— Manufactures.

302

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS,

‘guipnnji

jaddoo
put? ssisag

ra

w

Ph

p

H

o

◄

P

P

-U

a

p

o

co

co

1-5

o

uoaj

P°°AV
jad^j
saaqi^ J0IFK)
I 00 AV

Value of block in ditto ...

Estimated Annual Outturn of all Works

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 303

It will be seen from these tables that they are suffici-
ent for calculating the total “ production” of any province,
with such additions for sundry other produce as may be
necessary, with sufficient approximacy to accuracy, to sup-
ply the information which Parliament wants to know about
the progress or deterioration of the material condition of
India.

Sir David Barbour said, in reply to a question put by
Sir James Peile : —

“ 2283. It does not by any means follow that people are
starving because they are poor ? — Not in the least. You must
recollect that the cost of the necessaries of life is very much less
in India than it is in England.”

Now, the question is, whether, even with this “ very
much less cost” of the necessaries and wants of life, these
necessaries and wants of life even to an absolute amount,
few as they are, are supplied by the “ production of the
year.” Sir D. Barbour and others that speak on this point
have not given any proof that even these cheap and few
wants are supplied, with also a fair reserve for bad seasons.
It is inexplicable why the Statistical Committee failed to
prescribe the tables for the necessary consumption — or, as
the heading of Form D. called “ Distribution” — if they
really meant to give Parliament such full information as to
enable it to judge whether “the mass of the people,” as
Lord Lawrence said, “ lived on scanty subsistence” or not.
The Statistical Committee has thus missed to ask this
other necessary information, viz., the wants of a common
labourer to keep himself and his family in ordinary,
healthy working condition — in food, clothing, shelter, and
other necessary ordinary social wants. It is by the com-
parison of what is produced and what is needed by the people
even for the absolute necessaries of life (leave alone any

304

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

luxuries) that anything like a fair idea of the condition of
the people can be formed. In my first letter to the Secre-
tary of State for India, of 24th May, 1880, I have worked
out as an illustration all the necessary tables both for
“ production” and “ distribution,” i.e ., absolute necessaries
of life of a common labourer in Punjab.

If the demands of Parliament are to be loyally supplied
(which, unfortunately, is almost invariably not the attitude
of Indian authorities in matters concerning the welfare of the
Indians and honour of the British name depending thereon)
there is no reason whatever why the information required is
not fully furnished by every province. They have all the
necessary materials for these tables, and they can easily
supply the tables both for “ production” and “ distribution”
or necessary consumption, at the prices of the year of all
necessar} 7 wants. Then the Statistical Department ought
to work up tlie average per head per annum for the whole
of India of both “ production ” and “ distribution.” Unless
such information is supplied, it is idle and useless to endea-
vour to persuade the Commission that the material condi-
tion of the people of British India is improving. It was
said in the letter of the Secretary of State for India to me
of 9th August, 1880, that in Bengal means did not exist of
supplying the information L desired. Now that may
have been the case in 1880, but it is not so now ; and I
cannot understand why the Bengal Government does not
give the tables of production at all in its Administration
Beport. The only table, and that the most important one,
for which it was said they had not the means, and which
was not given in the Administration Report, is given in
detail in the “ Statistical Abstract of British India for
1893-4” (Pari. Ret. [C. 7,887] 1895), pp. 141-2.

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 305

Ko. 73. — Crops Under Cultivation in 1893-4 (p, 141).
Administration — Bengal.

ACRES.

Rice.

Wheat.

Other Food
Grains (in-
cluding
Pulses).

Other Food
Crops.

Sugar

Cane.

Coffee.

38,200,300

1,620,200

11,636,000

3,130,900

1,083,400

AC RES — continued.

Tea.

Cotton.

Jute.

Other

Fibres.

Oil

Seeds.

Indigo.

110,800

201,280

2,228,200

207,100

3,253,000

614,200

ACRES — continued.

Tobacco.

Cinchona.

Miscel-

laneous.

Total area
under
crops.

Deduct area
cropped
more than
once.

Actual area
on which
crops were
gro^n.

730,500

2,900

424,900

64,444,200

10,456,900

53,987,300

Then, at page 142, there is also given total area under
crops — of area under irrigation — 64,444,200 acres. Cer-
tainly, if they can know the total area, they can ascertain
the average of some of the principal crops. Then as to the
crops per acre of some of the principal produce, they can have
20

306

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

no difficulty in ascertaining, and the prices are all regularly
published of principal articles of food. There can be no
difficulty in obtaining the prices of all principal produce.
The whole matter is too important to be so lightly treated.
The extreme importance of this information can be seen
from the fact that Parliament has demanded it by an Act,
and that Sir Henry Fowler himself made a special and
earnest challenge about the condition of the people. He
said in his speech on 15th August, 1894, when he promised
the Select Committee : —

“ The question I wish to consider is whether that Government,
with all its machinery as now existing in India, has or has not
promoted the general prosperity of the people in its charge ; and
whether India is better or worse off by being a Province of the
British Crown.”

And this is the question to which an answer has to be
given by this Commission — whether the present adminis-
tration and management of the Military and Civil Expendi-
ture incurred in both countries, “ has or has not,” as one of
its results, “ promoted the general prosperity of the people ”
of British India. Or is, or is not, the result of this
administration and management of expenditure “ scanty
subsistence ” for the mass of the people as admitted by
Lord Lawrence, and “ extreme proverty ” as stated by
Lord Cromer, Sir Auckland Colvin, and Sir David Barbour
among the latest Finance Ministers — a poverty com-
pared with which even the most oppressed and mis-
governed Russia is prosperity itself, the income of which
is given by Mulhall as above <£9 per head per an-
num, which Lord Cromer gives the income of British
India as “not more than Rs. 27 per head per annum,” and
I calculate it as not more than Rs. zO per head per
annum. Even this wretched income, insufficient as it is,

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 307

is not all enjoyed by the people, but a portion never returns
to them, thereby continuously though gradually diminish-
ing their individual capacity for production. Surely, there
cannot be a more important issue before the Commission as
to the results of the administration and management of
expenditure, as much or even more for the sake of Britain
itself than for that of India.

Before proceeding further on the subject of these
statistics it is important to consider the matter of the few
wants cf the Indian in an important aspect. Is the few
wants a reason that the people should not prosper, should
not have better human wants and better human enjoy-
ments ? Is that a reason that they ought not to produce
as much wealth as the British are producing here ? Once
the Britons were wandering in the forests of this country,
and their wants were few ; had they remained so for ever
what would Britain have been to-day ? Has not British
wealth grown a hundred times, as Macaulay has said ?
And is it not a great condemnation of the present British
administration of Indian expenditure that the people of
India cannot make any wealth — worse than that, they
must die off by millions, and be underfed by scores of
millions, produce a wretched produce, and of that even
somebody else must deprive them of a portion !

The British first take away their means, incapacitate
them from producing more, compel them to reduce their
wants to the wretched means that are left to them, and
then turn round upon them and, adding insult to injury,
tell them : “ See, you have few wants ; you must remain
poor and of few wants. Have your pound of rice — or,
more generously, we would allow you two pounds of rice —
scanty clothing and shelter. It is we who must have and

308

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

would have great human wants and human enjoyments?
and you must slave and drudge for us like mere animals,
as our beasts of burden.” Is it that the mass of the Indians
have no right or business to have any advancement in
civilisation, in life and life’s enjoyments, physical, moral,
mental and social ? Must they always live to the brute’s
level — must have no social expenses — is that all extra-
vagance, stupidity, want of intelligence, and what not ?
Is it seriously held, in the words of Lord Salisbury :
“ They (the Natives of India) know perfectly well that
they are governed by a superior race” ( Hansard , vol.
277,9/4/83, page 1,798), and that that superior race should
be the masters, and the Indians the slaves and beasts of
burden ? Why the British- Indian authorities and Anglo-
Indians generally (of course with honourable and wise
exceptions) do every mortal thing to disillusion the
Indians of the idea of any superiority by open violation
and dishonour of the most solemn-pledges, by subtle bleed-
ing of the country, and b}' obstructing at every point any
step desired by the British people for the welfare of the
Indians. I do hope, as I do believe, that both the con-
science and the aspiration of the British people, their mis-
sion and charge, which it is often said Providence has
placed in their hands, are to raise the Indians to their own
level of civilisation and prosperity, and not to degrade
themselves to the lowness of Oriental despotism and the
Indians to mere helots.

I may here again point out some defects in these
statistics so as to make them as accurate as they can
possibly be made, in supplying the Commission with the
necessary information. It is surprising that Indian highly-
paid civilians should not understand the simple arith

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 309

metic of averages ; and that they should not correct the
mistake even after the Secretary of State for India for-
warded my letter pointing out the mistake.

The mistake is this. Supposing the price of rice in
one district is Re. 1 per maund, and in another district
Rs. 3 per maund, then the average is taken by simply
adding 3 and 1 and dividing by 2, making it to be Rs. 2
per maund, forgetting altogether to take into account the
quantities sold at Rs. 3 and Re. 1 respectively. Suppos-
ing the quantity sold at Re. 1 per maund is 1,000,000
maunds and that sold at Rs. 3 is only 50,000 maunds,
then the correct average will be : —

Maunds. Rs. Rs.

1,000,000 X 1=1,000,000
50,000 x 3= 150,000

Total ... 1,050,000 1,150,000

which will give Re. 1 1 an. 6 pies per maund, instead of
the incorrect Rs. 2 per maund, as is made out by simply
adding 1 and 3 and dividing by 2.

In my “ Poverty of India ” I have given an actual
illustration ( supra pp. 3-4). The average price of rice in the
Administration Report of the Central Provinces for 1867-8
was made out to be, by the wrong method, Rs. 2 12 an.
7 pies, while the correct price was only Rs. 1 8 an. Also
the correct average of produce was actually 7591bs. per
acre, when it was incorrectly made out to be 5791bs. per
acre. Certainly there is no excuse for such arithmetical
mistakes in information required by Parliament for the
most important purpose of ascertaining the result of the
British Administration of the expenditure of a vast
country.

310

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

In the same way averages are taken of wages without
considering how many earn the different wages of 1 j, 2, 3
or more annas per day and for how many days in the year.
In the Irish Commission you yourself and the Chairman
have noticed this fallacy.

Witness , Dr. T. W. Grimshaw.

Question 2925. (Lord Welby) : Do you take a mean price ? — I
take a mean price between highest and lowest.

2926. (Chairman) : An arithmetical mean price without re-
ference to the quantities ? — Yes.

2927. (Lord Welby) : For instance, supposing for nine

months there had been a low price, and the remaining three a high
price, the mean would hardly represent a real mean, would it ? —
You are correct in a certain sense

Trade. — Totals are taken of both imports and exports
together and any increase in these totals is pointed out as
proof of a flourishing trade and increasing benefit when in
reality it is no such thing, but quite the reverse altogether.
I shall explain what I mean.

Suppose a merchant sends out goods to a foreign
country which have cost him £1,000. He naturally ex-
pects to get back the £1,000 and some profit, say 15 per
cent. ; i. e., he expects to receive back £1,150. This will
be all right ; and suppose he sends out more, say £2,000
worth, the next year and gets back his £2,300, then it is
really an increasing and profitable trade. But suppose a
merchant sent out goods worth £1,000 and gets back £800
instead of £1,150 or anything above £1,000 ; and again
the second year he sent £2,000 worth and got back £1,600.
To say that such a trade is a flourishing or profitable trade
is simply absurd. To say that because the total of the ex-
ports and imports of the first year was £1,800, and the
total of the exports and imports in the second year was
£3,600, that therefore it was a cause for rejoicing, when

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 311

in reality ifc is simply a straight way to bankruptcy with a
loss of <£200 the first year, and £400 the second year
(leaving alone profits), and so on. Such is the condition
of British India. Instead of getting back its exports with
some profit, it does not get back even equal to the exports
themselves, but a great deal less every year. Why then,
it may be asked, does India not go into bankruptcy as any
merchant would inevitably go ? And the reason is very
simple. The ordinary merchant has no power to put his
hand in other persons’ pockets, and make up his losses.
But the despotic Government of India, on the one hand,
goes on inflicting on India unceasing losses and drain by
its unnatural administration and management of expendi-
ture, and, on the other hand, has the power of putting its
hands unhindered into the pockets of the poor taxpayer and
make its account square.

While the real and principal cause of the sufferings
and poverty of India, is the deprivation and drain of its
resources by foreigners by the present system of expendi-
ture, the Anglo-Indians generally, instead of manfully
looking this evil in the face, ignore it and endeavour to
find all sorts of other excuses. It is very necessary that
the Commission should have the opportunity of fairly con-
sidering those excuses. Now, one way I can deal with
them would be for myself to lay them down as I under-
stand them ; or, which is far better, I should deal with
them as they are actually put forth by some high Anglo-
Indian official. As I am in a position to do so, I adopt the
second course. A high official of the position of an
Under-Secretary of State for India and Governor of
Madras, Sir Grant Duff, has already focussed all the
official reasons in two papers he contributed to the Con-

312

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

temporary Review , and I have answered them in the same
Review in 1887. I cannot therefore do better than to
embody my reply here, omitting from it all personal re-
marks or others irrelevant to the present purpose. In
connexion with my reply, I may explain here that it is
because I have taken in it £\ = Rs. 10 that the incidence
of taxation is set down as 6s. per head per annum, while
Sir H. Fowler’s estimate is only 2s. 6 d. per head at the
present depressed exchange and excluding land
revenue. Sir H. Fowler excludes land revenue
from the incidence as if land revenue, by be-

ing called “ rent,” rained from heaven, and was
not raised as much from the production of the

country as any other part of the revenue. The fact of the
matter is that in British India as in every other country, a
certain portion of the production of the country is taken by
the State, under a variety of names — land tax or rent, salt
revenue, excise, opium, stamps, customs, assessed taxes,
post office surplus, law and justice surplus, etc., etc. In
some shape or other so much is taken from the production,
and which forms the incidence of taxation. The evil which
India suffers from is not in what is raised or taken from
the “ production” and what India, under natural adminis-
tration, would be able to give two or three times over, but
it is in the manner in which that revenue is spent under
the present unnatural administration and management of
expenditure whereby there is an unceasing “ bleeding” of
the country.

My reply to Sir Grant Duff was made in 1887. This
brings some of the figures to a later date than my corres-
pondence with the Secretar} 7 of State for India. Single-
handed I have not the time to work out figures to date,

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 313

'bus 1 shall add afterwards some figures which 1 have already-
worked out for later than 1887. 1 give below my reply

to Sir Grant Duff as 1 have already indicated above.

All the subjects treated in the following extracts are
the direct consequences of the present system of “ the ad-
ministration and management of expenditure in both coun-
tries.” It is from this point of view that I give these ex-
tracts. (See my reply, in August and November, 1887, to
Sir Grant Duff, supra , pp. 231-272.)

I give below some of the latest figures I already have
to compare the results of the administration of expenditure
in India with those of other parts of the British Empire.
Ten Years (1883-1892).

Imports (in- Exports (in- Excess of Im- Per-
r . . eluding Gold eluding Gold ports over cent-

and Silver.) and Silver). Exports, age of

Trade

£ £ £ Profits

United Kingdom... 4,247,954.247 3,203,603,246 1,044,351,001 32
(Par. Ret.[C. 7,143]

1893.)

Australasia ... 643,462,379
North American

Colonies ... 254,963,473
Straits Settlements 204,613,643
(Par. Ret. [C.7,144]

1893.)

* Australasia is a large gold and silver exporting coun-
try. Profits on this are a very small percentage. The pro-
fits on other produce or merchandise will be larger than
10’5 per cent., and it should also be borne in mind that
Australasia, like India, is a borrowing country, and a portion
of its exports, like that of India, goes for the payment of
interest on foreign loans. Still, it not only pays all that interest
from the profits of trade, but secures for itself also a balance of
10*5 per cent, profits, while India must not only lose all its profits
of trade but also Rx. 170,000,000 of its own produce. Were
India not “ bleeding ” politically it would also be in a similar
condition of paying for its loans and securing something for
itself out of the trade profits.

582,264,839 61,197,540 10-5-

205,063,294 49,900,179 24-4

181,781,667 22,831,976 12* *5

314

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Cape op Good Hope and Natal, I cannot give figures
as the gold brought into the Colonies from Transvaal is
not included in the imports ; while exports include gold
and silver.

Natal. In this also goods in transit are not includ-
ed in imports, although included in exports,

British India, Far from any excess of imports or
trade profits, there is, as will be seen further on, actually
a large deficit in imports (Rx. 774,099,570) from the
actual exports (Rx. 944,279,318). Deficit from its own
produce (Rx. 170,179,748) — 18 per cent.

India.

Particulars of the Trade of ® India and the losses of
the Indian people of British India ; or, The Drain.

Ten Years (1883-1892), (Return [C. 7,193,] 1893.)

India’s total Exports,
including Treasure.

Rx. 944,279,318

„ 188,855,863 Add, as in other countries, say 20 per cent.

excess of imports or profits (U.K. is 32'

per cent.)

Rx. 1,133,135,181 or the amount which the imports should be.
But

„ 774,099,570 only are the actual imports.

Rx. 359,035,611 is the loss of India for which it has not re-
ceived back a single farthing either in Mer-
chandise or treasure.

Now, the question is what has become of this Rx.
359,000,000 which India ought to have received but has
not received.

This amount includes the payment of interest on
railway and other public works loans.

Owing to our impoverishment, our utter helplessness*
subjection to a despotism without any voice in the adminis-

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE.

315

tration of our expenditure, our inability to make any
capital, and therefore, forced to submit to be exploited by
foreign capital, every farthing of the above amount is a loss
and a drain to British India. We have no choice ; the whole
position is compulsory upon us. It is no simple matter of
business to us. It is all simply the result of the despotic
administration of expenditure of our resources.

Still, however, let us consider these loans as a matter
of business, and see what deduction we should make from
the above amount.

The loans for public works during the ten years (Par.
Ret. [c. 7193] 1893, p. 298) are : — Rx. 34,350,000 (this
is taken as Rs. 10 = £1 — p. 130), or £34,350,000. This
amount is received by India, and forms a part of its
imports.

The interest paid during the ten years in England is
£57,700,000. This amount, being paid by India, forms a
part of its exports. The account, then, will stand thus : —

India received or imported as loans £ 34,350,000 in
the ten years. India pail or exported as interest
£57,700,000, leaving an excess of exports as a business
balance £23,350,000, or, say, at average Is. 4cZ. per
rupee, Rx. 37,360,000.

This export made by India in settlement of public
works loans interest account may be deducted from the
above unaccounted amount of Rx. 359,000,000, leaving a
balance of Rx. 321,640,000 still unreceived by India.

The next item to be considered is public debt (other
than for public works). This debt is not a business debt
in any possible way. It is simply the political burden put
upon India by force for the very acquisition and mainten-
ance of the British rule. It is entirely owing to the evil

316 DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

administration of expenditure in putting every burden on
India. Make an allowance for even this forced tribute.

The public debt of India (excluding public works)
incurred during the ten years is £ 16,000,000, (p. 298), of
which, say, <£8,000,000 has interest to be paid in London.
( I do not know how much is raised in India and how
much in England. I think I asked the India Office for
this, but it is difficult to get definite information from it.)
The interest paid in London during the ten years is
£28,600,000. This forms part of the exports of India.
The £8,000,000 of the debt incurred during the ten years
form part of the imports of India, leaving a balance of,
say, £21,000,000. On public debt account to be further
deducted from the last balance of unaccounted loss
of Rx. 321,640,000, taking, £21,000,000 at Is. 4 d. per
rupee will give about Rx. 33,000,000, which, deducted from
Rx. 321,640,000, will still leave the unaccounted loss or
drain of Rx. 288,000,000. I repeat that as far as the
economic effect on India of the despotic administration
and management of expenditure under the British rule is
concerned, the whole amount of Rx. 359,000,000 is a
drain from the wretched resources of India.

But to avoid controversy, allowing for all public debt
(political and commercial), there is still a clear loss or
drain of Rx. 288,000,000 in ten years, with a debt of
£210,000,000 hanging round her neck besides.

Rx. 288,000,000 is made up of Rx. 170,000,000 from
the very blood or produce of the country itself, and
Rx. 118,000,000 from the profits of trade.

It must be also remembered that freight, insurance,
and other charges after shipment are not calculated in
the exports from India, every farthing of which is taken

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 317

by England. When these items are added to the exports
the actual loss to British India will be much larger than
the above calculations. I may also explain that the item
of stores is accounted for in the above calculations.
The exports include payment for these stores, and imports
include the stores. The whole of the above loss and
burden of debt has to be borne by only the Indian tax-
payers of British India . The Native States and their
capitalists, bankers, merchants, or manufacturers, and the
European capitalists, merchants, bankers, or manu-
facturers get back their full profits.

In the above calculation I have taken 20 per cent, as
what ought to be the excess of imports under natural
circumstances, just as the excess of the United Kingdom
is 32 per cent. But suppose I take even 15 per
cent, instead of 20 per cent., then the excess of imports
would be, say, Bx. 311,000,000 instead of nearly
Rx. 359,000,000. From this Rx. 311,000,000, deduct,
as above, Rx. 37,000,000 for public works account and
Rx. 33,000,000 for political public debt account, there
will still be a loss or drain of Rx. 241,000,000 in ten
years.

Strictly considered in India’s helpless condition,
there has been a drain of its wealth to the extent of
Rx. 360,000,000 in the ten years.

But, as I have said, to avoid all futile controversy,
after allowing fully for all debt, there is still a drain of
Rx. 241,000,000 or Rx. 24,000,000 a year during the ten
years.

But it must be also remembered that besides the
whole of the above drain, either Rx. 359,000,000, or

318

DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS.

Rx. 241,000,000, there is also the farther loss of all that
is consumed in India itself by foreigners so far, to the
deprivation and exclusion of the children of British India.

Now, let it be once more understood that there can
be no objection to any capitalist, or banker, or merchant,
or manufacturer going to India on his own account and
making any profits there, if we are also left free to do
our best in fair competition , but as long as we are im-
poverished and made utterly helpless in our economic
condition by the forced and unnatural present system of
the administration and management of expenditure, the
whole profits of foreigners (European or Indian) is
British India’s irreparable loss.

The moral, therefore, of this phenomenon is that
Sir John Shore’s prediction of 1787, about the evil effect
of foreign domination by the adoption of the present
system of the administration and management of ex-
penditure, is amply and deplorably fulfilled. Truly has
Macaulay said : “ The heaviest of all yokes is the yoke
of the stranger.” It cannot be otherwise under the
existing administration and management of expenditure.
What an enormous sum, almost beyond calculation,
would British India’s loss amount to in the present cen-
tury (leaving alone the last century of unparalleled cor-
ruption, plunder, and oppression by Europeans) when
calculated with compound interest ! A tremendously
“ cruel and crushing ” and destructive tribute indeed !

With regard to the allegation that the fall in ex-
change has stimulated exports from India, here are a
few figures which tell their own tale : —

Exports in 1870-1. . . . Rx. 64,690,000

„ „ 1890-1. . Rx. 102,340,000

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 319

or an increase of about 60 per cent. This is the increase
in the 20 years of the fall of exchange.

Now take 1850 , exports. . . . £ 18 , 700,000

„ „ 1870 , „ . £ 64 , 690,000

i.e., an increase of nearly 3| times. Was this increase
owing to fall in Exchange ? There was then no such fall
in Exchange. And what good was this increase to India ?
As shown above, in ten years only she has been drained
to the extent indicated, besides what is eaten in the
country by those who are not her children. The increase
in trade, excepting that of Native and Frontier States, is
not natural and economic for the benefit of the people
•of British India. It is mostly only the form in which
the increasing crushing tribute and the trade-profits and
wants of foreigners are provided by the poor people of
British India, the masses of whom live on scanty subsist-
ence, and are ill-fed, ill-clothed, and ill-habited hewers of
wood and drawers of water for them.

But there is another most important consideration
still remaining.

While British India is thus crushed by a heavy
tribute which is exacted by the upper classes and which
•must end in disaster, do the British industrial people, or
the great mass, derive such benefit as they ought to derive,
with far greater benefit to England itself, besides bene-
''fitting India ?

Here is this wretched result so far as the producers
of British and Irish produce are concerned, or the British
trade with India is concerned.

In 1893, all British and Trish produce exported to all
India is only £28,800,000 for a population of 285,000,000
■or “2s. per head per annum. But a large portion of

320

DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS.

this goes to the Native States and frontier territories.
British Indian subjects themselves (221,000,000) will be
found to take hardly a shilling or fifteen pence worth
per head per annum. And this is all that the British
people export to British India. If British India were more
righteously treated and allowed to prosper, British pro-
duce will be exported to British India as much or a great
deal more than what the British people are exporting to
the whole world. A word to our Lancashire friends.
If they would open their eyes to their true interests, and
give up squabbling about these wretched cotton duties,
they would see that a market of 220,000,000 people of
British India, besides the 64,000,000 of the Native States,
will require and take (if you take your hand off their
throat), more than Lancashire will be able to supply.
Look at the wretched Lancashire trade with the poverty-
stricken British Indians : —

£25,625,865.

for a population of 285,000,000, or about Is. 9 d. per head
per annum. But if you deduct Native States and Frontier
States, it will possibly be Is. per head for British India.
Why should it not be even £1 or more per head if
British India be not “ bled”? And Lancashire may have
.£250,000,000 or more of trade instead of the wretched
<£25,000,000. Will Lancashire ever open its eyes and
help both itself and India to be prosperous ?

Argument of Population.

Increase from 1881 to 1891 : —

Population per
Increase. Square Mile.

England and Wales . . 11 '6 per cent. . 500

British India ... 9 7 „ . 230

In 1892-3 India imported yarn £ 2,683,850 )
Manufactures £22,942,015 j

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 321

In 1801, the population of England and Wales (Mul-
ball’s Dictionary, p.444) was 8,893,000, say 9,000,000.

In 1884, the population was 27,000,000 (Pari. Ret.
[c. 7,143], 1893), or three times as much as in 1801.

The income of England and Wales (Mul., p. 320) in
1800 was <£230,000,000.

In 1884, while the population increased to 27,000,000
or three times that of 1801, the income increased to
<£976,000,000(Mul., p. 321), or nearly 4| times thatof 1800.

The population of England and Wales (Mul. p. 444)
in 1672, was 5,500,000. The income in 1664 (Mul., p f ,
320) was <£42,000,000.

In 1884, (Mul., p. 321), population 27,000,000, increas-
ed five times; income £976,000,000, increased more than
twenty-three times.

As comparison with earlier times Macaulay said
(supra,- p. 269) : “ While our numbers have increased ten-
fold, our wealth has increased hundredfold.”

These facts do not show that increase of population
has made England poorer. On the contrary, Macaulay
truly says “ that the advantages arising from the progress
of civilisation have far more than counterbalanced the
disadavantages arising from the progress of population.”

Why, then, under the administration of the “greatest”
and most highly-paid service in the world, derived from
the same stock as the administrators of this country, and,
as Mr. Bright says, “ whose praises are so constantly
sounded in this House,” is India, after a long period at
period, at present the most “ extremely poor ” country
in the world ? And yet how can the result be otherwise
under the existing administration and management of
expenditure, based upon the evil principle that “ India
21

322

DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS.

must be bled” ? The fault is not of the officials. It is
the evil and outrageous system of expenditure, which
cannot but produce such pernicious and deplorable results,
which, if not remedied in time, must inevitably bring
about a retribution the extent and disaster of which can
hardly be conceived. Officials over and over again tell
us that the resources of India are boundless. All the
resources of civilisation have been at their command, and
here is this wretched and ignominious result — that while
England has gone on increasing in wealth at a greater
progress than in population, India at this moment is far
poorer than even the misgoverned and oppressed Russia,
and poorer even than Turkey in its annual production,
as Lord Cromer pointed out in 1882.

I think I need not say anything more upon the first
part of our Reference. If I am required to be cross-
examined on the representations which I have submitted,
I shall then say whatever more may be necessary for me
to say.

I have shown, by high authorities and by facts and
figures, one result of the existing system of “ The admi-
nistration and management of the Military and Civil
Expenditure incurred under the authority of the Secretary
of State for India in Council, or of the Government of

j n( }i a ” viz., the most deplorable evil of the extreme

poverty of the mass of the people of British India — suici-
dal and dishonourable to British name and rule, and
destructive and degrading to the people of British India,
with a “ helot system ” of administration instead of that
of British citizenship.

The following remarks in a leader of the Times of
16th December, 1895, in connexion with the Transvaal,

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 323

is, short of compulsory service, applicable with ten times
more force to the British rule of British India. The
Times says : —

“ The time is past even in South Africa when a helot system
of administration organised for the exclusive advantage of a
privileged minority can long resist the force of enlightened
public opinion. If President Kruger really possesses any of those
statesmanlike qualities which are sometimes ascribed to him, he
will hasten to accept the loyal co-operation of these Ouitlanclers,
who have already done so much and who are anxious to do more
for the prosperity and progress of the South African Republic.”

I would apply this to British India. The time is past
in British India when a “ helot system of administration,”
organised for the exclusive advantage of a privileged minor-
ity, and existing to the great dishonour of the British
name for a century and a half, can long resist the force of
enlightened public opinion, and the dissatisfaction of the
people themselves. If the British statesmen of the present
day possessthose statesmanlike qualities which the statesmen
of 1833 showed about India — to “ be just and fear not,”
which the great Proclamation of 1858 proclaimed to the
world, and which Sir H. Fowler so lately (3/9/’95) des-
cribed as having “ the courage of keeping our word ” —
they will hasten to accept the loyal co-operation of the
people of India, with whose blood mainly, and with whose
money entirely, has the British Indian Empire been both
built up and maintained ; from whom Britain has drawn
thousands of millions, or untold wealth calculated with
interest ; who for British righteousness would return the
most devoted and patriotic loyalty for their own sake, and
whose prosperity and progress, as Lord Roberts said, being
indissolubly bound up with those of Britain, would result
in largely increasing the prosperity of the British people
themselves, in the stability of the British rule and in the

324

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

redemption of the honour and good name of Britain from
the dishonour of many broken pledges. The deplorable
evil result of the present “ administration and manage-
ment of expenditure,” in violation of solemn pledges, is so
subtle, so artistic, so unobservably “ bleeding,” to use
Lord Salisbury’s word, so plausibly masked with the face
of beneficence, and being unaccompanied with any open
compulsion or violence to person or property which the
world can see and be horrified with, that, as the poet
says : —

“ Those lofty souls have telescopic eyes,

That see the smallest speck of distant pain,

While at their feet a world of agony,

Unseen, unheard, unheeded, writhes in vain,”

— Great Thoughts, 31/8/’95.

Even a paper like the Pioneer of Allahabad (21/9/’95)
which cannot be accused of being opposed to Anglo-Indian
views, recognises that India “ has also perhaps to undergo
the often subtle disadvantages of foreign rule.” Yes, it is
these “ subtle disadvantages of foreign rule” which need
to be grappled with and removed, if the connexion be-
tween India and England is to be a blessing to both, in-
stead of a curse. This is the great and noble task for our
Commission. For, indeed, it would be wise to ponder
whether and how far Lord Salisbury’s — a statesman’s —
words at the last Lord Mayor’s dinner, apply to British
India. He said : —

“ That above all treaties and above all combinations of ex-
ternal powers, ‘ the nature of things ’ if you please, or ‘ the
providence of God,’ if you please to put it so, has determined
that persistent and constant misgovernment must lead the
Government which follows it to its doom ; and while I readily
admit that it is quite possible for the Sultan of Turkey, if he will,,
to govern all his subjects in justice and in peace, he is not
exempt, more than any other potentate from the law that injustice
will bring the highest on earth to ruin.”

ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 325

The administration of expenditure should be based on
Ibis principle, as Sir Louis Mallet (c. 3086 1) 1881, p.

142, has said : —

“ If India is to be maintained and rendered a perma-
nent portion of the British Empire, this must be accom-
plished in some other way than by placing our future
reliance on the empirical arts of despotism ” and not on
those low motives of making India as simply an exploiting
ground for our “ boys ” as Sir C. Crossthwaite desired
when he had the candour of expressing the motive of
British action when speaking about Siam at the Society of
Arts (vol . 39 — 19/2/’92 — p. 286). All that gentleman
cared for was this. “ The real question was who was to
get the trade with them and how we could make the most
of them, so as to find fresh markets for our goods and also
employment for those superfluous articles of the present day,
our hoys ” (the italics are mine), as if the whole world was
created simply for supplying markets to the one people,
and employment to their boys. Still, however, you can
have ten times more trade than you have at present with
India, far more than you have at present with the whole
world, if you act on lines of righteousness, and cast off the
second mean motive to enslave other people to give em-
ployment to your “ boys,” which certainly is not the
motive of the British people. The short of the whole
matter is, that under the present evil and unrighteous
administration of Indian expenditure, the romance is the
beneficence of the British rule, the reality is the “ bleed-
ing ” of the British rule. Under a righteous “ adminis-
tration of expenditure,” the reality will be the blessing
and benefit both to Britain and India, and far more trade
between them than we can form any conception of at
present.

Yours truly,

Dadabhai Nowroji.

III.

THE APPORTIONMENT OF CHARGE BET-
WEEN THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE
UNITED KINGDOM AND OF| INDIA.*

Dear Lord Welby, — I now request your favour of
laying before the Commission this tetter of my views on
the second part of the Deference, viz., “ The apportionment
of charge between the Governments of the United King-
dom and of India for purposes in which both are interested.’’

The word England, or Britain, is always used by me
as embracing the United Kingdom.

I do not know whether there is any portion of the
Indian charge (either in this countrv or in India) in which
Britain is not interested. The one chief object of the whole
expenditure of Government is to govern India in a way to
secure internal law and order and external protection.
Now, in both internal law and order and external protection,
the interests of Britain are as great or rather greater than
those of India. That India is protected from lawlessness
and disorder is unquestionably a great boon and benefit to
it. But orderly or disorderly India shall always remain
and exist where it is, and will shape its o\yn destiny some-
how, well or badly. But without law and order British
rule will not be able to keep its existence in India. British
rule in India is not even dike Bussian rule in Bussia.
However bad and oppressive the latter may be, whatever
revolution or Nihilism there may occur, whatever civil
wars or secret disasters may take place, the Bussians and
their Bulers remain all the same in Bussia ; only that
power changes from one hand into another, or from one
foim into another. Only a few days ago (18th January,

* Submitted to the Welby Commission on 15th February 1896.

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 327

1896) the Russian Tsar, styling himself “Emperor and
Autocrat of all the Russias,” issued a Manifesto for his
coronation as follows : —

“ By the grace of God we, Nicholas II, Emperor and
Autocrat of all the Russias, etc., make known to all our faithful
subjects that, with the help of the Almighty, we have resolved to
place upon ourselves the Crown, in May next, in the Ancient
Capital of Moscow, after the example of the pious Monarchy our
forefathers, and to receive the Holy Sacrament according to esta-
blished usage ; uniting with us in this Act our most beloved con-
sort the Empress Alexandra Feodorovna.

“ We call upon all our loyal subjects on the forthcoming
solemn day of Coronation to share in our joy and to join us in
offering up fervent prayers to the Giver of all good that He may
pour out upon us the gift of the Holy Spirit, that He may streng-
then our Empire, and direct us to the footsteps of our parent of
imperishable memory, whose life and labours for the welfare of our
beloved fatherland will always remain a bright example.

“ Given at St. Petersburg, this first day of January in the year
of Our Iiord 1896, and the second year of our reign.

“ Nicholas.”

— The Times , 20th January, 1896.

Now, blood is thicker than water. Notwithstanding
all the autocratic oppression that the Russian people may
have suffered for all past time, every soul will rise to the
call, and rejoice in the joy of the occasion. And, whether
the present system of government and power endures or
vanishes, the Russian rule — whatever form it takes — will
always be Russian, and for the Russians.

Take England itself. It beheaded one king, banished
another, turned out its Parliament at the point of the
bayonet, had civil wars of various durations, and disasters
Whatever was the change, it was English rule for English-
men. But the British in India is quite a different thing.
They are aliens, and any disaster to them there has entire-
ly a different result. In the very first paper that was read
before the East India Association of London (2/5/1867)
I said : —

328

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

■ “No prophet is required to foretell the ultimate result of a
struggle between a discontented two hundred millions and a hun-
dred thousand foreign bayonets. A drop of water is insignificant,
but an avalanche may sometimes carry everything before it. The
race is not always to the swift. A disaffected nation may fail a
hundred times, and may rise again ; but one or two reverses to a
foreigner cannot but be fatal. Every failure of the Natives, add-
ing more burdens, will make them the more impatient to throw off
the foreign yoke.”

Can the British Sovereign call upon the Indians as
she can call upon the British people, or as the Russian Tsar
can call upon the Russians, to share in her joy ? Yes, on
one condition. The people of India must feel that, though
the English Sovereign and people are not kindred in birth
and blood, they are kindred in sympathetic spirit, and just in
dealing ; that, though they are the step-mother, they treat
the step-children with all che affection of a mother — that
the British rule is their own rule. The affection of the
Indian people is the only solid foundation upon which an
alien rule can stand firm and durable, or it may some day
vanish like a dream. *

To Britain all the law and order is the very breath
of its nostrils in India. With law and order alone can it
live in India. Let there arise disorder and violence to-
morrow, and what will become of the small number of
Europeans, official and non-official, without even any direct
battles or military struggle ?

If a thoroughly intelligent view of the position of Bri-
tain in India is taken the interests of Britain are equally
vital, if nob far more vital, in the maintenance of good and
satisfactory government, and of law and order, than those
of India ; and, in a just view, all the charge or cost in both
countries of such good government and law and order in
India should be apportioned between the two countries,
according to the importance of respective interests and to

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 329

the proportion of the means or capacity ef each partner in
the benefit.

Certainly, no fair and just-minded Englishman would
say that Britain should have all the gain, glory, and every
possible benefit of wealth, wisdom, and work of a mighty
Empire, and the price or cost of it should be all burdened
on the shoulders of India.

The correct judgment upon our second part of the re-
ference will depend upon the fundamental principle upon
which the British Administration ought to stand.

1. Is British rule for the good of both India and
Britain, and a rule of justice and righteousness? or,

2. Is the British rule solely for the benefit of Britain
at the destruction of India — or, in other words, the ordi-
nary rule of foreign despotism, “ the heaviest of all yokes,
the yoke of the stranger ” (Macaulay) ?

The first is the avowed and deliberate desire and solemn
promise and pledge of the British people. The second is
the performance by the servants of the British nation —
the Indian authorities — in the system of the administra-
tion adopted and relentlessly pursued by them.

The present British-Indian system of administration
would not take long to degenerate and run into the Rus-
sian system and troubles, but for the check and drag of
the British public wish, opinion, and voice.

Now, my whole argument in this representation will be
based on the first principle — viz ., the good of both India
and England and justice and righteousness. I would,
therefore, dispose of the second in a brief manner — that
the second (England’s benefit and India’s destruction) is not
the desire of the British people.

330

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

It has been the faith of my life, and it is my faith still,,
that the British people will do justice to India.

But, however, as unfortunately the system based on
the second principle — the system which Lord Salisbury
has described as of “ bleeding ” and “ hypocrisy ” — exists,
it is desirable to remember the wise words of Lord Salis-
bury himself, uttered not long ago when he said (Lord
Mayor’s dinner on 9th November last) : “ * The nature of
things’ if you please, o-r ‘ the providence of God ’ if you
please to put it so, has determined that persistent and
constant misgovernment must lead the government which
follows it to its doom .... that injustice will bring the
highest on earth to ruin.” The Duke of Devonshire has
pointed out that the result of the present system would
be to make the Indians to come to the conclusion that the
Indians shall never have any chance “ except by their
getting rid in the first instance of their European rulers.”

The question is, do the British people desire such a
system, to exercise only the right of brute force for their
sole benefit? I for one, and I can say without any hesita-
tion that all the educated and thinking Indians do not
believe so. It is their deep faith and conviction that the
conscience of the British people towards India is sound,
and that if they once fully understood the true position
they would sweep away the whole present unrighteous
system. The very fact that this Commission is appointed
for the first time for such a purpose, viz., to deal out fairly
between the two countries an “ apportionment of charge
for purposes in which both are interested ” is sufficient to
show the awakening consciousness and desire to do justice
and to share fairly the costs as well as the bene-
fits. If further public indication was at all needed the

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 331

Times, as I have quoted in my first representation,
has put it very clearly : “ Great Britain is anxious to deal
fairly with India. If it should appear that India has been
saddled with charges which the British taxpayer should
have borne the British taxpayer will not hesitate to do his
duty.” I would not, therefore, pursue any further the
assumption of the second principle of selfishness and despot-
ism, but continue to base my remarks upon the basis of
the first principle of the desire and determination of the
British people for justice and righteousness towards India.

I have stated above that the whole cost of adminis-
tration is vital to the very existence of the British rule in
India, and largely essential to the prosperity of the British
people. Lord Roberts, with other thoughtful statesmen,
has correctly stated the true relation of the two countries
more than once. Addressing the L’ondon Chamber of
Commerce he said : “ I rejoice to learn that you recognise
bow indissolubly the prosperity of the United Kingdom is
bound up with the retention of that vast Eastern Empire.”
(Times 25-5-93.) And again, at Glasgow, he said “ that
the retention of our Eastern Empire is essential to the
greatness and prosperity of the United Kingdom.” (Times,
29-7-93.) And further he also clearly points out upon
what such an essential retention ultimately depends. Does
it depend upon tyranny, injustice, bleeding hypocrisy,
“plundering,” upon imposing the relations of master and
slave upon large, well equipped and efficient armies ; on the
unreliable props of brute force ? No. He says, “ But how-
ever efficient and well equipped the army of India may be,
were it indeed absolute perfection, and were its numbers
considerably more than they are at present, our greatest
strength must ever rest on the firm base of a united and

332

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

contented India.” Sir William Harcourt said in his speech
(House of Commons, 3-9-95), “ As long as you have the
people of India your friends, satisfied with the justice and
policy of your rule, your Empire then will be safe.”

Professor Wordsworth has said ( Bombay Gazette ,
3-3-83): “One of the greatest Englishmen of the last
generation said that if ever we lost our [ndian Empire we
should lose it like every other we had lost, or were about to
lose, by alienating the affections of the people.”

Am I not then justified in asking that it is right and
just, in order to acquire and preserve the affections of the
people, that the cost of that administration which is essen-
tial to your “greatness” and your “prosperity,” by
which your prosperity is indissolubly bound up with that
of India, and upon the secureness and law and order of
which depends your very existence in India and as a great
Empire, should be fairly shared by the United Kingdom ?

Leaving this fair claim to the calm and fair considera-
tion of this Commission and to the sense of justice of the
British people, I take a less strict view of the duty of
England, It is said that India should make all such pay-
ments as she would make for her government and her
internal and external protection even if there were no
British rule and only its own Native rule. Now, suppose
this is admitted, what is the position ? Certainly in that
case there will be no employment of Europeans.
The present forced, inordinate, and arbitrary employ-
ment of Europeans in both the civil and military
services in both countries is avowedly entirely and solely
owing to British rule and for British purposes and British
interests — to maintain British supremacy. If there were
no British rule there would be no Europeans employed by

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 33$

the Natives rulers. India accordingly may pay for every
Indian employed, bub justice demands that the expenditure
on Europeans in both countries required for the sole inter-
ests of British rule and for British purposes should be
paid by the British exchequer. I am not going to discuss
here whether even British rule itself needs all the present
civil and military European agency. On the contrary,
the civil element is their greatest weakness, and will be
swept away in the time of trouble from discontent and
disaffection ; and the military element, without being either
efficient or sufficient in such crises, is simply destructive to
India, and leading to the very disaster which is intended
to be averted or prevented by it. Be this as it may, this
much is clear : that the whole European agency, both
civil and military, in England and in India, is distinctly
avowed and admitted to be for the interests of England,
i. e., to protect and maintain her supremacy in India
against internal or external dangers. Lord Kimberley
has put this matter beyond all doubt or controversy, that
the European services are emphatically for the purpose
of maintaining British supremacy. He says (dinner to
Lord Roberts by the Lord Mayor — Times , 13th June
1893)

4 ‘ There is one point upon which I imagine, whatever may be
our party polities in this country, we are all united ; that we are
resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy over our Indian
Empire. That I conceive is a matter about which we have only
one opinion, and let me tell you that that supremacy rests upon
three distinct bases. One of those bases, and a very important
one, is the loyalty and good-will of the Native Princes and popu-
lation over whom we rule. Next, and not less important, is the
maintenance of our Europern Civil Service, upon which rests the
foundation of our administration in India. .... Last, not
because it is the least, but because I wish to give it the greatest
prominence, we rest also upon the magnificent European force
which we maintain in that country, and the splendid army of
Native auxiliaries by which that force is supported. , . .

Let us firmly and calmly maintain our position in that country *

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DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

let us be thoroughly armed as to our frontier defences, and then
I believe we may trust to the old vigour of the people of this
country, come what may, to support our supremacy in that great
Empire.”

Now, this is significant : while L >rd Kimberley talks
all these grand things, of resolute determination, etc., etc.,
to maintain British supremacy, and for all British pur-
poses, he does not tell at whose cost. Is it at British
cost, as it is for British purposes, or even any portion of
that cost ? He has not told the British public openly that
it is for every farthing at the cost of the Indians, who are
thus treated as mere slaves — all the gain, glory and Empire
“ours,” and all the burden for the Indian helots! Then,
as I have already said, the second and third bases — the
European civil and military services — are illusory, are only
a burden and destruction to India, without being at all a
sufficient security in the time of any internal and external
trouble, and that especially the civil service is suicidal to
the supremacy, and will be the greatest weakness. Then
it may also be noticed in passing that Lord Kimberley
gives no indication of the navy having anything important
to do with, or make any demand on, India,

However, be all this as it may, one thing is made
clear by Lord Kimberley, that, as far as Britain is con-
cerned, the only motive which actuates her in the matter
of the second and third bases — the European civil and
military services — is her own supremacy, and nothing else ;
that there can be no difference of opinion in Britain why
European services in both countries are forced upon India,
viz., solely and entirely for British purposes and British
interests, for “ the resolute determination to maintain our
supremacy.”

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 335

I would be, therefore, asking nothing unreasonable,
under the Reference to this Commission, that what is
entirely for British purposes must in justice be paid for
by the British people, and the Indian people should not
be asked to pay anything. I, however, still more modify
this position. Notwithstanding that the European servi-
ces, in their present extent and constitution, are India’s
greatest evil and cause of all its economic miseries and
destruction, and the very badge of the slavery of a foreign
domination and tyranny, that India may consider itself
under a reasonable arrangement to be indirectly benefited
by a certain extent of European agency, and that for such
reasonable arrangement India may pay some fair share of
*the cost of such agenc)' employed in India. As to all the
State charges incurred in this country for such agency,
it must be remembered that, in adlition to their being
entirely for British purposes, they are all, every farthing,
earned by Europeans, and spent every farthing, in this
country. It is a charge forced upon India by sheer tyranny,
without any voice or consent of India. No such
charge is made upon the Colonies. The Colonial Office
building and establishment is all a charge upon the British
Exchequer. All charges, therefore, incurred in this
country for the India Office and its establishment, and
similar ones for State purposes, should under any circum-
stances be paid from the British Exchequer.

I shall put, briefly, this moderately just “apportion-
ment of charge” in this way: —

India and England should pay all salaries which are
to be paid to their own people, within their own limits,
respectively — i. e., England should pay for all Englishmen
employed in England, and India should pay for all

336

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Indians employed in India ; and as to those of one country
who are employed in the other country — i. e., Englishmen
employed in India, and Indians employed in England —
let there be some fair and reasonable apportionment be-
tween the two countries — taking, as much as possible, into
consideration their respective benefits and capacity of means.

As to pensions, a reasonable salary being paid during
service in India, no pensions to follow ; so that, when
Europeans retire from India, there should be no charge
cn England for pensions, the employees having made
their own arrangements for their future from their
salaries.

By this arrangemnt India will not only pay all that it
would pay for a government by itself, supposing the English*
were not there, but also a share in the cost in India for
what England regards as absolutely necessary for her own
purpose of maintaining her Empire in India.

I may say a few words with regard to the navy. On
no ground whatever of justice can India be fairly
charged any share for the navy, except so far as it falls
within the principle stated above, of actual service in
Indian harbours.

1. The whole navy as it exists, and as it is intended
to be enlarged, is every inch of it required for the protec-
tion and safety of this country itself — even if Britain had
no Empire — for its own safety — for its very existence.

2. Every farthing spent on the navy is entirely
earned by Englishmen ; not the slightest share goes to
India, in its gain, or glory, or employment, or in any way.

3. In the time of war between England and any
European Powers, or the United States, the navy will not
be able to protect British commerce itself.

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 337

4. There is no such thing, or very insignificant, as
Indian foreign commerce or Indians’ risk in what is called
British Indian foreign commerce. The whole of what is
called British Indian foreign trade is entirely first British
risk and British capital. Every inch of the shipping or
cargo on the seas is British risk of British East India
banks, British marine insurance companies, and British
merchants and ship-owners and manufacturers. Any per
son who has any knowledge of how the whole of what
is called British Indian foreign trade is carried on will
easily understand what I mean.

5. No European Power will go to attack India
from the sea, leaving the British navy free to pursue it.

6. Suppose there was no English navy to pursue f
Lord Roberts’ united and contented, and therefore patriotic
India will give such an irresistible Indian force at the com-
mand cf Britain as to give a warm reception to the in-
vader, and drive him back into the sea if he ever suc-
ceeded in landing at all.

With regard to the absolute necessity to the United
Kingdom itself for its own safety of the whole navy as it
exists and is intended to be increased, there is but one
universal opinion, without any distinction of parties. It
will be easy to quote expressions from every prominent
politician. It is, in fact, the great subject of the day for
which there is perfect unanimity. I would content myself,
however, with a few words of the highest authority in
the realm under the Sovereign, the Prime Minister, and
also of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord Salisbury
said in his Brighton speech : —

“ But dealing with such money as you possess .... then the
first claim is the naval defence of England. I am glad that you
22

338

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

welcome that sentiment It is our business to be quite sure

of the safety of this island home of ours whose inaccessibility is
the source of our greatness, that no improvement of foreign
fleets, and no combination of foreign alliances, should be able for

a moment to threaten our safety at home We must make

ourselves safe at sea whatever happens But after all, safety

— safety from a foreign foe — comes first before every other earthly
blessing, and we must take care in our responsibility to the
many interests that depend upon us, in our responsibility to the
generations that are to succeed us, we must take care that no
neglect of ours shall suffer that safety to be compromised.”

Sir M. Hicks- Beach, the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
so late as 28th January last (the Times, 29/1/96), said
emphatically and in a fighting mood : “ We must be pre-
pared. We must never lose the supremacy of the sea.
Other nations had not got it, and could afford to do with-
out it : but supremacy of the sea was vital to our very
existence.”

With such necessity for England’s own safety, whe-
ther she had India or not, any burden to be placed
on India can only be done on the principle of the right
of might over our helplessness, and by treating India as
a helotdom, and not in justice and fairness. Yes ; let
India have complete share in the whole Imperial system,
including the Government of this country, and then talk
of asking her to contribute to Imperial expenses. Then
will be the time to consider any such question as it is being
considered in relations with Ireland, which enjoys, short
of Home Rule, which is vital to it, free and full share in
the whole Imperial gain and glory — in the navy, army, and
civil services of the Empire. Let all arrangements exist
in India as they exist here for entrance into all the Im-
perial Services here and elsewhere, and it will be time and
justice to talk of India’s share in Imperial responsibilities.
Certainly not on the unrighteous and tyrannical principle

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 339

of all gain and glory, employment, etc., for England, and
share of cost on India, without any share in such gain,
glory, employment, etc.

As to the bugbear of Russian invasion. If India is in a
contented state with England, India will not only give an
account of Russia, but will supply an army, in the most
patriotic spirit, large enough to send Russia back to
■St. Petersburg. India will then fight for herself in fighting
for Britain. In satisfied India Britain has an inexhausti-
ble and irresistible store of fighting power, enough and
more to fight Britain’s battles all over the world, as it has
been doing. Lord Beaconsfield saw this and showed it
by bringing Indian troops to Malta. Onty pay honestly
for what you take, and not dishonourably or tyrannically
throw burdens upon India for your own purposes and
interests. With India Britain is great and invincible ;
without India Britain will be a small Power. Make India
feel satisfaction, patriotism, and prosperity under your
supremacy and you may sleep securely against the world.
But with discontented India, whatever her own fate may
be — may be subjected by Russia or may repel Russia —
England can or will have no safe position in India. Of
course, as I have said before, I am arguing on the assump-
tion that justice is to be dealt out by this Commission to
both countries on the basis of the might of right. If that
is not to be the case, and right of might is to be the
deciding principle, if the eternal moral force is not to be
the power, but the ephemeral brute force is to be the pre-
dominant partner,- then of course I have no argument.
All argument, then, will be idle breath at present till
nature in time, as it always does, vindicates and revenges
itself, and unrighteousness meets with its doom.

340

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Our Commission has a great, holy, and patriotic task
before it. I hope it will perform it, and tell the British
people the redress that is justly due to India. The very
first and immediate justice that should be done by England
is the abolition of the Exchange Compensation — which is
neither legal nor moral — or pay it herself ; inasmuch as
every farthing paid will be received by English people
and in England. It is a heartless, arbitrary, and cruel
exaction from th6 poverty of India, worse than Shy-
locky — not only the pound of flesh of the bond, but also
the ounce of blood. As to the general question of ap-
portionment, I have stated the principle above.

Now, another important question in connexion with
“ apportionment of charge ” has to be considered, mz. y
of any expenses incurred outside the limits of India
of 1858.

I shall take as an illustration the case of North-West
frontier wars. Every war, large or small, that is carried
on beyond the frontiers of 1858 is distinctly and clearly
mainly for Britain’s Imperial and European purposes. It
is solely to keep her own power in India. If it were
not for the maintenance of her own power in India and
her position in Europe she would not care a straw
whether the Russians or any other power invaded India
or took it. The whole expenditure is for Imperial and
European purposes. On 11th February, 1880, Mr. Fawcett
moved the following Amendment to the Address in reply
to the Queen’s Speech ( Hansard , vol. 250, p. 453) : —

“ But humbly desire to express our regret that in view of the
declarations that have been made by your Majesty’s ministers that
the war in Afghanistan was undertaken for Imperial purposes, no
assurance has been given that the cost incurred in consequence of
the renewal of hostilities in that country will not be wholly defray-
»d out of the revennes of India.”

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 341

Mr. Fav/cett then said ( Hansard , vol. 250. p. 454): —

“And, fourthly, the most important question, as far as he was

able to judge, of who was to pay the expenses of the war It

seemed to be quite clear that the expenses of the war should not
be borne by India, and he wished to explain that so far as India
was concerned this was not to be regarded as a matter of genero-

sity but of justice and legality The matter must be decided

on grounds of strict justice and legality (P. 457.) It was a re-

markable thing that every speech made in that House or out of it
'by ministers or their supporters on the subject showed that the
war was a great Imperial enterprise, those who opposed the war
having always been taunted as being “ parochial ” politicians who
could not appreciate the magnitude and importance of great Im-
perial enterprises (P. 458.) He would refer to the speeches

of the Viceroy of India, the Prime Minister, and the Secretary of

State for Foreign Affairs upon the subject In December,

1878, the noble earl* warned the peers that they must extend their
range of vision, and told them that they were not to suppose that
this was a war which simply concerned some small cantonments at
Dalika and Jellalabad, but one undertaken to maintain the influ-
ence and character not of India, but of England in Europe. Now,
were they going to make India pay the entire bill for maintaining

the influence and character of England in Europe? ...His

lordship t treated the war as indissolubly connected with the

Eastern question Therefore it seemed to him (Mr. Fawcett)

that it was absolutely impossible for the Government, unless they
were prepared to cast to the winds their declarations, to come

down to the House and regard the war as an Indian one All he

desired was a declaration of principle, and he would be perfectly
satisfied if some one representing the Government would get up
and say that they had always considered this war as an Imperial
one, for the expenses of which England and India were jointly
liable.”

Afterwards Mr. Fawcett said (p. 477) : —

“ He was entirely satisfied with the assurance which had been
given on the part of the Government that the House should have
an opportunity of discussing the question before the Budget was
introduced, and would therefore beg leave to withdraw his amend-
ment.”

In the House of Lords, Lord Beaconsfield emphasised
the objects to be for British Imperial purposes (25/2/80 —
Hansard, vol. 250, p, 1,094): —

* The Prime Minister,
t The Marquis of Salisbury.

342

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

“ That the real question at issue was whether England should*

possess the gates of her own great Empire in India We

resolved that the time has come when this country should acquire
the complete command and possession of the gates of the Indian
Empire. Let me at least believe that the Peers of England are
still determined to uphold not only the Empire but the honour
of this country.”

So it is clear that the object of all the frontier wars,,
large or small, was that “ England should possess the
gates of her own great Empire,” that this country should
acquire the complete command and possession of the
gates of the Indian Empire,” and uphold not only the
Empire, but also “ the honour of this country.” Can
anything be more clear than the Imperial character of the
frontier wars ?

Mr. Fawcett, again, on 12/3/80, moved ( Hansard
vol. 251, p. 922) : —

“ That in view of the declarations which have been officially
made that the Afghan war was undertaken in the joint interests of
England and India, this House is of opinion that it is unjust to
defray out of the revenues of India the whole of the expenditure
incurred in the renewal of hostilities with Afghanistan.”

Speaking to this motion, Mr. Fawcett, after referring
to the past declarations of the Prime Minister, the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, quoted from the speech of the Viceroy
soon after his arrival (p. 923) : —

“ I came to India, and just before leaving England for India I
had frequent interviews with Lord Salisbury, the then Indian
Secretary, and I came out specially instructed to treat the Indian
frontier question as an indivisible part of a great Imperial question
mainly depending for its solution upon the general policy of her
Majesty’s Government. . . .”

And further on Mr. Fawcett said (p. 926) : —

“ What was our policy towards self-governed Colonies and
towards India not self-governed ? In the self-governed Colony of
the Cape we had a Avar for which Ave Avere not responsible. Who
was to pay for it ? It Avould cost the English people something
like £ 5 , 000 , 000 . In India, there Avas a Avar for Avhich the Indian

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 343

people were not responsible — a war which grew out of our own
policy and actions in Europe — and we are going to make the
Indian people, who were not self-governed and were not repre-
sented, pay every sixpence of the cost.”

And so Lord Salisbury, as Secretary of State for
India, and the Viceroy had cleared up the whole posi-
tion — “ to treat the Indian frontier question as an
indivisible part of a great Imperial question, mainly
depending for its solution upon the general policy- of her
Majesty’s Government,” and the Indian people having no
voice or choice in it.

Mr. Gladstone, following Mr. Fawcett, said (p. 930) : —

“ It appears to me that, to make such a statement as that the
judgment of the Viceroy is a sufficient expression of that of the
people of India, is an expression of paradox really surprising,

and such as is rarely heard among us (P. 932.) In my opinion

my hon. friend the member for Hackney has made good his case...

Still, I think it fair and right to say that, in my opinion,

my hon. friend the member for Hackney has completely made
good his case. His case, as I understand it, has not received one

shred of answer (P. 933.) In the speech of the Prime

Minister, the speech of Lord Salisbury, and the speech of the
Viceroy of India, and, I think my hon. friend said, in a speech by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, this Afghan war has been
distinctively recognised as partaking of the character of an Im-
perial war But I think not merely a small sum like that,

but what my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer
would call a solid and substantial sum, ought to be borne by this
country, at the very least (P. 935.) As regards the sub-

stance of the motion, I cordially embrace the doctrine of my hon.
friend the member for Hackney. There is not a constituency in
the country before which I would not be prepared to stand, if it
were the poorest and most distressed in the land, if it were com-
posed of a body of men to all of whom every addition of a far-
thing for taxes was a sensible burden, and before them I would
be glad to stand and plead that, when we have made in India a war
which our own Government have described as in part an Imperial
war, we ought not for a moment to shrink from the respon-
sibility of assuming at least a portion of the cost of that war,
in correspondence with that declaration, instead of making use of
the law and argument of force, which is the only law and the only
argument which we possess or apply to place the whole of this
burden on the shoulders of the people of India.

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DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

The upshot of the whole was that England contri-
buted <£5,000,000 out of <£21,000,000 spent on this war,
when one would have naturally expected a “ far more
solid and substantial ” sum from rich England, whose
interest was double, both Imperial and European. But
the extent of that contribution is not the present
question with me. It is the principle that “ the Indian
frontier question is one indivisible part of a great Imperial
question, mainly depending for its solution upon the
general polic}’ of her Majesty’s Government,” and that,
therefore, a fair apportionment must be made of all
the charge or cost of all frontier wars, according to the
extent of the interest and of the means of each country.

Coming down to later times, the action of Mr.
Gladstone on 27th April, 1885, to come to the House
of Commons to ask for <£11,000,000 — and the House
accepting his proposal — on the occasion of the Penjdeh
incident, is again a most significant proof of the Imperial
character of these frontier wars. He said ( Hansard , vol.
297, p. 859):—

“ I have heard with great satisfaction the assurance of hon.
gentlemen opposite that they are disposed to forward in every way
the grant of funds to us to be used as we best think for the
maintenance of what I have upon former occasions described as a
National and Imperial policy. Certainly, an adequate sense of our
obligations to our Indian Empire has never yet been claimed by
any party in this country as its exclusive inheritance. In my
opinion he will be guilty of a moral offence and gross political
folly who should endeavour to claim on behalf of his own party
any superiority in that respect over those to whom he is habi-
tually opposed. It is an Imperial policy in which we are engaged.”

Lastlj 7 , last year (15/8/95) the present leader of the
House of Commons (Mr. Balfour) in his speech referred
to “ a serious blow to our prestige ; ” “ that there are two
and only two great powers they (the tribesmen) have to

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 345

consider,” “ to us , and to us alone, must they look as a
suzerain power.” “ To depend upon the British throne.”
(The italics are mine.) So it is all “ours” and “us”
for all gain and glory and Imperial possessions, and
European position — except that India must be forced to
pay the bill. Is this the sense and conscience of English
justice to make India pay the whole cost of the Chitral
war or any frontier war ?

Though the real and principal guiding motive for
the British Government for these frontier wars is only
Imperial and European for “ its resolute determination”
of keeping its possession of India and position in Europe,
still India does not want to ignore its indirect and inci-
dental benefit of being saved from falling into Russia’s
hands, coupled with the hope that when British conscience
is fully informed and aroused to a true sense of the great
evils of the present system of administration, these evils
will be removed. India, therefore, accepts that these frontier
wars, as far as they may be absolutely necessary, involves
Indian interests also, and would be willing to pay a fair
share according to her means.

India, therefore, demands and looks to the present
Commission hopefully to apportion a fair division for the
cost of all frontier wars in which India and England have
and had purposes of common interest. This whole argu-
ment will apply to all wars, on all the frontiers
of India — East, West, North, or South. With reference
to all wars outside all the frontiers of India and in
which India has no interest, Britain should honestly
pay India fully for all the services of men or materials
which she has taken and may take from India — not,
as in the Abyssinian War, shirk any portion. Sir

346

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

^ Henry Fowler, in his speech in the House of Com-
mons (22/7/93), said: — “I say on behalf of the English
people, they want to deal with Ireland, not shabbily but
generously.” I believe that the English people wish to
deal with India also justly and generously. But do their
servants, the Indian authorities, act in that way? Has
not India greater claims than even Ireland on the justice
and the generosity of the English people ? Inasmuch as
the Irish people have the voice of their own direct
representatives in Parliament on their own and Imperial
affairs, while India is helpless and entirely at the mercy
of England, with no direct vote of her own, not only in
Parliament, but even in the Legislative Councils in India,,
on any expenditure out of her own revenues. Ireland
not only has such voice, but has a free and complete
share in all the gain and glory of the British Empire..
An Irishman can occupy any place in the United Kingdom
or India. Can an Indian occupy any such position, even
in his own country, let alone in the United Kingdom ?
JSTot only that, but that these authorities not only do
not act justly or generously, but they treat India even
“ shabbily.”

Let us take an illustration or two. What is it if not
shabby to throw the expenses of Prince Nassarulla’s
visit upon the Indian people ! There is the Mutiny
of 1857. The causes were the mistakes and mis-
management of your own authorities ; the people had
not only no share in it, but actually were ready at
your call to rise and support you. Punjab sent forth
its best blood, and your supremacy was triumphantly
maintained, and what was the reward of the people?
You indicted upon the people the whole payment

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 347

to the last farthing of the cost of that deplorable event, of
your own servants’ making. Not only then was India
unjustly treated, but even “ shabbily.” Let Lord North-
brook speak : House of Lords (1 5/5/93-- Debates, vol. xii,.

p. 874)

“ The whole of the ordinary expenses in the Abyssinian expedi-
tion were paid by India.* Only the extraordinary expenses being
paid by the Home Government, the argument used being that
India would have to pay her troops in the ordinary way, and she
ought not to seek to make a profit out of the affair. But how did
the Home Government treat the Indian Government when troops
were sent out during the Mutiny ? Did they say, ‘ we don’t want to
make any profit out of this ’ ? Not a bit of it. Every single man
sent out was paid for by India during the whole time, though only
temporary use was made of them, including the cost of their
drilling and training as recruits until they were sent out.”

Can anything be more “shabby,” not to use a
stronger word. Here you send troops for your own
very existence. The people help you as best they

can, and you not only not pay even any portion of the
expenditure but reward the people for their loyalty with
the infliction of not only the whole expense and additional
burdens but even as shabbily as Lord Northbrook discloses.
Is this the way by dealing unjustly and shabbily with the
people that you teach them and expect them to stand by
you in the time of trouble! And still more, since then,,
you have in a marked way been treating the people with
distrust, and inflicting upon them unnecessarily and sel-
fishly a larger and more expensive army to be paid for
as wholly and as shabbily as the army of the Mutiny —
viz., including the cost or a portion of the cost of their
drilling and training as recruits until they are sent out,
though all the troops are in this country and they form an
integral part of the British Army. And the whole expen -

* With it India had nothing to do, and yet Britain did no t
pay all expenses.

348

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

diture of the frontier was including Cbitral is imposed
upon the Indian people, though avowedly incurred for
Imperial and European purposes, excepting that for very
shame, a fourth of the cost of the last Afghan War was
paid from the British Exchequer, thanks to Mr. Fawcett.
In fact, the whole European army is an integral part of
the British Army, India, being considered and treated as
a fine training ground for the British Army, at any
expense, for English gain, glory, and prestige, and as a
hunting ground for “ our boys,” and as a point of
protection for British Imperial and European position,
leaving the Indians the helotry or the proud privilege
of paying for everything to the last farthing, without
having the slightest voice in the matter ! The worst of the
whole thing is that having other and helpless people’s
money to spend, without any check from the British
taxpayer, there is no check to any unnecessary and
extravagant expenditure.

Now, even all these unjust inflictions for the Mutiny,
and all past tyranny were considered somewhat, if not
fully, compensated by that great, noble, and sacred with
invocation of Almighty God, Proclamation of 1858, by
which it was proclaimed to India and to the world that
the Indian subjects were raised to an equality with the
British subjects in their citizenship and British rights.
And is that solemn pledge kept ? Not a bit of it. On
the contrary, all such pledges are pronounced by Lord
Salisbury as “ hypocrisy,” by Lord Lytton as “ cheating ”
by “ deliberate and transparent subterfuges,” and “ by
breaking to the heart the word of promise they had
uttered to the ear,” by a Committee of the Council of
the India Office itself as “ keeping promise to the ear and

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 349'

breaking it to the hope,” and by the Duke of Argyll as
“we have not fulfilled our promises.”

Can it be expected that by such methods of financial
injustice and violation of pledges can be acquired the
affection of the people upon which mainly and ultimately
depends, as many a statesman has said the stability of the
British supremacy ?

At Glasgow, on November 14, 1895, Mr. Balfour
said : “ You all remember that the British Army — and

in the British Army I include those Native soldiers,
fellow subjects of ours, who on that day did great work
for the Empire of which they are all citizens.” — This is
the romance. Had Mr. Balfour spoken the reality, he
would have said : “ Include those Native soldiers, the
drudges of ours, who on that day did great v/ork
for the Empire of which they are kept-down subjects.”
For, does not Mr. Balfour know that, far from being
treated as “fellow subjects ” and “ citizens of the Empire,”
the Indians have not only to shed their blood for the Em-
pire, but even to pay every farthing of the cost of these
wars for “ our Empire ” and “ our European position,” that
no pledges, however solemn and binding, to treat Indians as
“ fellow subjects ” or British citizens have been faithfully
kept either in letter or spirit, that however much these
Indians may be brave and shed their blood for Imperial
purposes or be made to pay “ cruel and crushing tribute ”
they are not allowed any vote in the Imperial Parliament
or a vote in the Indian Legislative Councils on their own
financial expenditure, that their employment in the
officering of the Army, beyond a few inferior positions
of Subadar Major or Jamadar Major, etc., is not at all
allowed, that the}? are distrusted and disarmed-—are not

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DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

allowed to become volunteers — that every possible ob-
stacle is thrown and “ subterfuge ” resorted to against the
advancement of the Indians in the higher positions of all
the Civil Services, and that the simple justice of allowing
Indians an equality to be simultaneously examined in
their own country, for Indian services, decided by Act
and resolution of Parliament and solemnly pledged by
the great Proclamation, is resisted by every device and
subterfuge possible unworthy of the English character.
Is it not a mockery and an insult to call the Indians
“fellow subjects and citizens of the Empire JJ when in
reality they are treated as under-heel subjects ?

Here are Us. 128,574,590, or nearly Rs. 129,000,000,
spent from April, 1882, to March, 1891 (Pari. Return,
91 of 1895), beyond “the West and North-West frontiers
of India,” after the disastrous expenditure of <£21,000,000
in the last Afghan War (of which only a quarter was
paid by the British Exchequer). Every pie of this
nearly Rs. 129,000,000 is exacted out of the poverty-
stricken Indians, and all for distinctly avowed Imperial
and European British purposes. I do not know whether
the Us. 129,000,000 includes the ordinary pay of all
the soldiers and officers employed in the Frontier
Service, or whether it is only the extraordinary military
expenditure that is included. If the ordinary pay is
not included, then the amount will be larger than
Us. 129,000,000. And these are “ our fellow subjects”
and “ our Imperial citizens ” ! To shed blood for Im-
perial purposes and to pay the whole cost also !

Lord George Hamilton said at Chiswick (Times,
22/1/96): “ He hoped that the result of the present

•Government’s tenure of office would be to make the

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 351

British Empire not merely a figure of speech, but a
living reality.” Now, is not this as much romance as
that of Mr. Balfour’s, instead of being a “ living re-
ality ” ? All the questions I have asked for Mr. Balfour’s
expressions apply as forcibly to the words of the present
Secretary of State of India, who ought to know the
real despotically subjected position of the people of
British India, forming two-thirds of the Empire. Yes,
the British Empire can be made a “living reality” of
union and devoted attachment, but not under the present
system of British Indian administration. It can be,
when in that system, justice, generosity, fair apportion-
ment of charges, and honour, and “ courage of keeping
the word ” shall prevail over injustice, helotdom, and
dishonour of open violation of the most solemn words
of honour.

Now, Mr. Chamberlain, at Birmingham {Times,
27/1/96), said in reference to the African Republic: —

“ Now, I have never denied that there is just cause for dis-
content in the Transvaal Republic. The majority of the popula-
tion there pay nine-tenths of the taxation, and have no share
whatever in the government of the country. That is an anomaly
which does not exist in any other civilized community, and it is
an anomaly which wise and prudent statesmanship would remove.
I believe it can be removed without danger to the independence
of the Republic, and I believe until it is removed you have no
permanent guarantee against future internal disturbances.”

Do not these words apply with ten times force to
the case of India, and is not that wise and prudent
statesmanship which is preached here required to be
practised in connexion with the greatest part of the
British Empire? I venture to use Mr. Chamberlain’s
words : —

“ I believe (the anomaly) can be removed without danger to
the stability of the British power, or, rather, with devoted and
patriotic attachment of the British connexion ; and I believe that

352

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

until it is removed you have no permanent guarantee against
future internal disturbances.”

The Times (1/2/96) in a leader on Lord Salisbury’s
speech before the Non-Conformist Unionist Association,
in a sentence about the Outlandevs, expresses what is
peculiarly applicable to the present position of India.
It says : —

44 The Outlanders in the Transvaal — not a minority, but a
large majority — are deprived of all share of political power and
of the most elementary privileges of citizenship, because the
dominate class, differing from them in race and feeling, as Lord
Salisbury says, 4 have the government and have the rifles.’ ”

The Indians must provide every farthing for the
supremacy of the minority of “ the dominant class,”
and should not have the slightest voice in the spend-
ing of that every farthing, and find every solemn
pledge given for equality of British citizenship flagrant-
ly broken to the heart in letter and in spirit. And
why ? Is it because, as Lord Salisbury says, “ they
have the Government and have the rifles or as
Mr. Gladstone said about India itself, ;t the law and argu-
ment of force, which is the only law and argument which
we possess or apply.” This Commission has the duty, at
least so far as a fair apportionment of charge is concerned,
to redress this great wrong.

Do the British Indian authorities really think that
the Indians are only like African savages, or mere children,
that, even after thousands of years of civilisation, when the
Britons were only barbarians ; after the education they
have received at the blessed British hands, producing, as
Lord Dufferin said, “ Native gentlemen of great attain-
ments and intelligence” (Jubilee speech) ; they do not see
and understand these deplorable circumstances of their true
position of degradation and economic destruction ? Or da

APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 353

these authorities not care, even if the Indians did under-
stand, as long as they can mislead the British people into
the belief that all is right and beneficient in British India,
when it is really not the case ?

But the faith of the Indians in the conscience of the
British people is unbounded and unshakeable, and the little
incidents of bright spots keep up that faith, such as the
justice of not burdening the Indian people with the cost of
the Opium Commission, and — even though inadequate and
partial — the payment of one-fourth of the cost of the last
Afghan War. It is these acts of justice that consolidate
the British rule and tend towards its stability.

I believe now, as I have always believed, that the
English people wish and want to deal with India justly and
generously. When I say that I believe in the British
character of fair play and justice, it is not a sentiment of
to-day or yesterday. In the very first political speech of
my life, made as far back as 1853, at the formation of the
Bombay Association, on the occasion of the Parliamentary
Enquiry on Indian Affairs for the renewal of the Com-
pany’s Charter, I said : —

“ When we see that our Government is often ready to assist
us in everything calculated to benefit us, we had better, than
merely complain and grumble, point out in a becoming manner

what our real wants are If an Association like this be always

in readiness to ascertain by strict enquiries the probably good or
bad effects of any proposed measure, and whenever necessary to
memorialise Government on behalf of the people with respect to
them, our kind Governmemt will not refuse to listen to such
memorials,”

And under that belief the Bombay Association, the
British Indian Association of Bengal, and the Madras Asso-
ciation, memorialised the then Select Committee on Indian
affairs — for redress of grievances.

Now, after not very short of nearly half a century of
23

354

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

hopes and disappointments, these are still my sentiments
to-day — that with correct and full knowledge the British
people and Parliament will do what is right and just.

I may here take the opportunity of making a remark
or two about the wide extent of the scope of the enquiry
of this Commission in the first part of the Reference.

Lord Cranborne, soon after having been Secretary of
State for India, said (24/5/67) in reference to the powers
of the Council of the Secretary of State for India : — •
u It possesses by Act of Parliament an absolute and eonelusive
veto upon the Acts of the Government of India with reference to
nine-tenths, I might almost say ninety-nine hundredths, of the
questions that arise with respect to that Government. Parliament
has provided that the Council may veto any despatch which
directs the appropriation of public money. Everyone knows
that almost every question connected with Government raises in
some way or other the question of expenditure.”

The first part of the Reference to this Commission
thus embraces “ almost every question connected with
Government.” “ Ninety-nine hundredths of the questions
that arise with respect to that Government.”

This view is ully confirmed by the enquiry by the
Select Committee of 1871-4. The Reference to it was “to
enquire into the Finance and Financial Administration of
India,” and our first reference is fully of the same scope
and character. Now, what was the extent of the subjects
of the enquiry made by that Committee ? The index of
the proceedings of the four years (1871-4) has a table of
contents headed : “ Alphabetical and Classified List of the
principal headings in the following Index, with the pages
at which they will be found.” And what is the number of
these headings ? It is about 420. In fact, there is hardly
a subject of Government which is not enquired into.

Yours truly,

Dadabhai Naoroji.

IV.

THE RIGHT RELATIONS BETWEEN
BRITAIN AND INDIA.*

Dear Lord Welby, — I have to request you kindly
to put before the Commission this further representation
from me on the subjects of our enquiry. This will be
my last letter, unless some phase of the enquiry needed
any further explanation from me.

Looking at the first part of the enquiry from every
point of view, with regard to the administration and
management of expenditure, we come back again and
again to the view expressed by the Duke of Devonshire
and Sir William Hunter and others. The Duke of
Devonshire has said : “ If the country is to be better
governed, that can only be done by the employment of
the best and most intelligent of the Natives in the Ser-
vice.” Sir William Hunter has said : “ But the good
work thus commenced has assumed such dimensions,
under the Queen’s Government of India that it can no
longer be carried on or even supervised by imported
labour from England except at a cost which India cannot
sustain. . . . If we are to govern the Indian people

efficiently and cheaply, we must govern them by means
of themselves, and pay for the administration at the
market rates of Native labour.”

From all I have said in my previous representations
it must have been seen that the real evil and misery of
the people of British India does not arise from the

* Submitted to the Welby Commission, 21st March 1896.

356

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

amount of expenditure. India is capable, under natural
circumstances, of providing twice, three times or more the
expenditure, as the improvement of the country may
need, in attaining all necessary progress. The evil really
is in the way in which that expenditure is administered
and managed, with the effect of a large portion of that
expenditure not returning to the people from whom it is
raised — in short, as Lord Salisbury has correctly described
as the process of “ bleeding.” No country in the world
(England not excepted) can stand such bleeding. To stop
this bleeding is the problem of the day— bleeding both
moral and material. You may devise the most perfect
plan or scheme of government, not only humanly but
divinely perfect — you may have the foreign officials, the
very angels themselves — but it will be no earthly good to
the people as long as the bleeding management of ex-
penditure continues the same. On the contrary, the evil
will increase by the very perfection of such plan or scheme
for imorovements and progress. For, as improvements
and progress are understood to mean, at present, it is
more and more bleeding by introducing more and more
the foreign bleeding agency.

The real problem before the Commission is not how
to nibble at the expenditure and suggest some pcor re-
ductions here and there, to be put aside in a short time,
as is always done, but how to stop the material and moral
bleeding, and leaving British India a freedom of develop-
ment and progress in prosperity which her extraordinary
natural resources are capable of, and to treat her justly
in her financial relations with Britain by apportioning
fairly the charge on purposes in which both are interested.
Or, to put the problem in its double important bearings,

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 357

in the words of an eminent statesman, “ which should at
once afford a guarantee for the good government of the
people, and for the security of British rights and inter-
ests ” (Lord Iddesleigb), as will be seen further on. I am
glad to put before the Commission that this problem has
been not merely enunciated, but that, with the courage
of their convictions, two eminent statesmen have actually
carried it out practically, and have done that with remark-
able success. I am the more glad to bring forward this
case before the Commission, as it also enables me to ad-
duce an episode in the British Indian administration on
the conduct of the Indian authorities in both countries
and other Anglo-Indian officials, which reflects great
credit upon all concerned in it — and as my information
goes, and as it also appears from the records, that her
Majesty personally has not a little share in this praise, and
in evoking a hearty Indian gratitude and loyalty
to herself. This episode also clearly indicates or
points to the way as to what the true natural relations
should be between Britain and India, with the result of
the welfare and prosperity of both, and the security and
stabilit}^ of British supremacy.

In my previous letters I have confined myself to the evil
results — suicidal to Britain and destructive to India — of
the present unnatural system of the administration and
management of expenditure and the injustice of the finan-
cial relations between the two countries, loudly calling for
a just apportionment of charge for purposes in which both
are interested.

Without dwelling any further on this melancholy aspect,
I shall ac once proceed to the case to which I have alluded
above, and in connexion with which there have been true

358

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

statesmanlike and noble declarations made as to the right
relations between Britain and India as they ought to exist.
This case is in every way a bright chapter in the history of
British India. The especially remarkable feature of this
case is that notwithstanding the vehement and determined
opposition to it from all Indian authorities for some thirty-
six years, after this wise, natural, and righteous course
was decided upon by her Majesty and the Secretary of
State for India of the time, all the authorities, both here
and in India, carried it out in the most loyal, earnest,
and scrupulous manner and solicitude worthy of the
British name and character — in striking contrast with the
general conduct of these authorities, by which they have
almost always frustrated and made dead letters of Acts
and Resolutions of Parliament and royal proclamations and
most solemn pledges on behalf of the British people by all
sorts of un-English “ subterfuges,” “ cheating devices ”
(Lytton), “hypocrisy” (Salisbury), “non-fulfilment of
pledges n (Duke of Argyll, Lytton, and others), etc., in
matters of the advancement and elevation of the Indian
people to material and moral prosperity, and to real British
rights and citizenship. Had they fortunately shown the
same loyalty and true sense of their trust to these Acts and
Resolutions of Parliament, to the solemn proclamations and
pledges, as have been shown in the case I am referring to,
what a different, prosperous, and grateful India would it
have been to-day, blessing the name of Britain, and both
to its glory and gain. It is not too late yet. It will be a
pity if it ever becomes too late to prevent disaster.

On 22nd January, 1867, Lord Salisbury (then Lord
Cranborne and Secretary of State for India) said ( Hcmsard r
vol. 185, p. 839)

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 359

“But there are other considerations, and I think the hon.
gentleman (Sir Henry Rawlinson) stated them very fairly and
eloquently. I do not myself see our way at present to employing
very largely the Natives of India in the regions under our imme-
diate control. But it would be a great evil if the result of our
dominion was that the Natives of India who were capable of
government should be absolutely and hopelessly excluded from
such a career. The great advantage of the existence of Native
States is that they afford an outlet for statesmanlike capacity such
as has been alluded to. I need not dwell upon the consideration
to which the hon. gentleman so eloquently referred, bnt I think
that the existence of a well-governed Native State is a real
benefit , not only to the stability of our rule, but because, more
than anything, it raises the self-respect of the Natives and forms

an ideal to which the popular feelings aspire Whatever

treaties or engagements may be entered into, I hope that I shall
not be looked upon by gentlemen of the Liberal party as very
revolutionary if I say that the welfare of the people of India
must override them all. 1 quite admit the temptations which a
paramount power has to interpret that axiom rather for its own
advantage than its own honour. There is no doubt of the existence
of that temptation, but that does not diminish the truth of the
maxim.” [The italics are mine.]

On 24th May, 1867, Lord Iddesleigh (then Sir Stafford
Northcote and Secretary of State for India) said ( Hansard
vol. 187, p. 1068): —

“ He believed that the change in education in India, and the
fact that the Natives now saw what their system of government
was and is, had told most beneficially on that country. He had,
therefore, confidence that we might establish a state of things in
Mysore which would have a happy effect on the administration of
the country. What had taken place in other parts of India?
Travancore forty years ago was in as bad a state as Mysore, yet
its administration under British influence had so greatly improved
that Travancore was now something like a model Native State.
Our Indian policy should be founded on a broad basis. There
might be difficulties ; but what we had to aim at was to esta-
blish a system of Native States which might maintain them-
selves in a satisfactory relation. Keeping the virtues of Native
States, and getting rid, as far as possible, of their disadvantages.
We must look to the great natural advantages which the govern-
ment of a Native State must necessarily have. Under the English
system there were advantages which would probably never be under
Native Administration -regularity, love of law and order and
justice.”

360

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Had Lord Iddesleigh lived be would have with plea-
sure seen that the advantages he refers to are being
attained in the Native States ; and in Mysore itself, as
well as in several other States, they have been largely
already attained. And under the eye of the British
Government there is progress everywhere. Lord Iddesleigh
proceeds : —

“ But native Administration had the advantage in sympathy
between the governors and the governed .§ Governors were able to
appreciate and understand the prejudices and wishes of the
governed ; especially in the ease of Hindu States, the religious
feelings of the people were enlisted in favour of their governors
instead of being roused against us.* He had been told by gentle-
men from India that nothing impressed them more than walking
the streets of some Indian town, they looked up at the houses on
each side and asked themselves, ‘ what do we really know of these
people — of their modes of thought, their feelings, their prejudices
— and at what great disadvantage, in consequence, do we adminis-
ter the government.’ The English Government must necessarily
labour under great disadvantages,!' and we should endeavour as
far as possible to develop the system of Native government to
bring out Native talent and statesmanship , and to enlist in the
cause of government all that was great and good in them.
Nothing could be more wonderful than our Empire in India ; but
we ought to consider on what conditions we hold it and how our
predecessors held it. The greatness of the Mogul Empire depend-
ed on the liberal policy that was pursued by men like the great
Emperor Akbar and his successors availing themselves of Hindu
talent and assistance, and identifying themselves as far as possible
with the people of the country. They ought to take a lesson from
such circumstances. If they were to do their duty towards
India they could only discharge that duty by obtaining assist-
ance and counsel of all who are great a,nd good in that
country. It would be absurd in them to say that there was not
a large fund of statesmanship and ability in the Indian character.
They really must not be too proud. They were always ready to
speak of the English government as so infinitely superior to any-
thing in the way of Indian government. But if the Natives of
India were disposed to be equally critical, it would be possible for
them to find out weak places in the harness of the English

* The same can be said about the Muhammadans and other
people.

t The greatest of them is the economic evil which Lord Salis-
bury has truly called the bleeding of the country.

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 361

administration. The system in India was one of great complexity.
It was a system of checks and counter checks, and very often
great abuses failed to be controlled from want of a proper know-
ledge of and sympathy with the Natives.” [The italics are mine.]

On the same day Lord Salisbury, supporting Lord
Iddesleigh, said ( Hansard , vol. 187, p. 1073):—

“ The general concurrence of opinion of those who know
India best is that a number of well-governed small Native
States arc in the highest degree advantageous to the develop-
ment of the political and moral condition of the people of
India. The hon. gentleman (Mr. Laing) arguing in the strong
official line seems to take the view that everything is
right in British territory and everything dark in Native
territory. Though he can cite the case of Oudh, I venture to
doubt if it could be established as a general view of India as it
exists at present. If Oudh is to bo quoted against Native
Government, the Report of the Orissa Famine, which will be
presented in a few days, will be found to be another and far more
terrible instance to be quoted against English rule. The British
Government has never been guilty of the violence and illegality
of Native Sovereigns. But it has faults of its own , which
though they are far more guiltless in intention , are more terri-
ble in effect. Its tendency to routine ; its listless heavy heedless-
ness, sometimes the result of its elaborate organisation ; a fear of
responsibility, an extreme centralisation — all these results, trace-
able to causes for which no man is culpable, produce an amount
of inefficiency which when reinforced by natural causes and
circumstances, creates a terrible amount of misery- All these
things must be taken into consideration when you compare our
elaborate and artificial system of government with the more
rough and ready system cf India. In cases of emergency, unless
you have men of peculiar character on the spot, the simple form of
Oriental government will produce effects more satisfactory than
the more elaborate system of English rule. I am not by this deny-
ing that our mission in India is to reduce to order, to civilise and
develop the Native Governments we find there. * But I demur to
that wholesale condemnation of a system of government which
will be utterly intolerable on our own soil, but which has grown
up amongst the people subjected to it. It has a fitness and
congeniality for them impossible for us adequately to realise, but
which compensate them to an enormous degree for the material
evils which its rudeness in a great many cases produces. I may

* This is being actually done. Every effort is being made to
bring the administration of the Native States to the level of the
organisation of the British system which is not a little to the
credit of the British Government.

362

DADABEJAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

mention as an instance what was told me by Sir George Clerk,
a distinguished member of the Council of India, respecting the
Province of Kathiawar, in which the English and Native Govern-
ments are very much intermixed. There are no broad lines of
frontier there, and a man can easily leap over the hedge from the
Native into the English jurisdiction. Sir George Clerk told me
that the Natives having little to carry with them were continually
in the habit of migrating from the English into the Native juris-
diction, but that he never heard of an instance of a Native leav-
ing his own to go into the English jurisdiction. This may be very
bad taste on the part of the Natives ; but you have to consider
what promotes their happiness, suits their tastes, and tends to
their moral development in their own way. If you intend to deve-
lop their moral nature only after an Anglo-Saxon type, you will
make a conspicuous and disastrous defeat.” [The italics are
mine.]

In the above extract. Lord Salisbury says that the
inefficiency reinforced by natural causes and circumstances
creates a terrible amount of misery. These natural causes and
circumstances which create the terrible amount of misery
are pointed out by Lord Salisbury himself, as Secretary of
State for India, in a Minute (29-4-75). He says “the
injury is exaggerated in the case of India, where so much
of the revenue is exported without a direct equivalent.
And that under these causes and circumstances, the result
is that “ India must be bled,” so that he truly shows
that though under the British rule there is no personal
violence, the present system of the administration of
expenditure cannot but create and does “ create a terri-
ble amount of misery .”

Further, the crude and defective system of adminis-
tration under the old system of Native rule is all
changed and cannot apply to the present administration
in British India. Any alteration that may be deemed
necessary to be made for remedying this “ terrible amount
of misery,” would not involve in British India any
alteration at all in the existing developed plan or system
o f the organisation of the administration.

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 363

Now, the moral of the above extracts from the
speeches of Lords Salisbury and Iddesleigh is clear.
Under the present system of administration of govern-
ment and expenditure and unjust financial relations, in
the very nature of things, there is a perpetual and in-
evitable result of terrible misery, of slavery (Macaulay),
absolute hopelessness of higher life or career, despair,
self-abasement, without any self-respect (Salisbury), ex-
treme destitution and suffering ( Bright), extreme poverty
(Lawrence, Cromer, Barbour, Colvin), degradation (Mon-
roe), etc., etc. And as a consequence of such deplorable
results, an inherent and inevitable “ danger of the most
serious order ” (Lord B,. Churchill) to the stability of
British supremac}’. British rule under such circumstances
can only continue to be a foreign crushing tyranny, lead-
ing the people to yearn (the Duke of Devonshire) to get
rid of their European rulers, etc., etc.

On the other Land, (Salisbury) “the existence of a
well -governed Native State is a real benefit, not only to
the stability of the British rule, but more than anything
it raises the self-respect of the Natives and forms an ideal
to which the popular feeling aspires.” And “ that a
number of well-governed small Native States are in the
highest degree advantageous to the development of the
political and moral ” (I may add, the material) “ condition
of the people of India.” Lord Iddesleigh says on the
same lines : “ What we had to aim at was to establish a
system of Native States which might maintain themselves
in a satisfactory relation.” And what is of far more
importance, he actually inaugurated the great experiment,
by which he proposed to solve the great problem, “ which
should at once afford a guarantee for the good government

364

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

of the people and for the security of British rights and
interests,” and to which I desire to draw the attention of
the Commission. In short, the lesson of the extracts is
that the British Indian administration as it exists at
present is positively and seriously dangerous to the British
supremacy, and of terrible misery to the people ; while a
system of Native States will raise the people, and at the
same time firmly secure the stability of the British supre-
macy and largely conduce to the prosperity of both coun-
tries — Britain and India.

Now comes the great merit — which will always be
remembered by Indians with deep gratitude — of these two
Statesmen (Salisbury and Iddesleigh). They did not rest
satisfied with mere declaration of fine and great sentiments
and then sleep over them, as has been done on many an
occasion to the misfortune of poor India. No, they then
showed that they had the courage of their convictions and
had confidence in the true statesmanship of their views.
In this good work her Majesty took a warm interest and
encouraged them to carry it out. The result was the
memorable — and ever to be remembered with gratitude —
despatch of 16th April, 1867, of Lord Iddesleigh, for the
restoration of Mysore to the Native rule, notwithstanding
thirty-six years of determined opposition of the authorities
to that step (Pari. Ret. 239, 30/4/’67).

And now I come to the episode to which I have referred
above, and about which I write with great gratification
and gratitude, of the conduct of all the authorities in both
countries and of all the Anglo-Indian officials who had any
share in this good work, backed as I have said already, by
the good-hearted and influential interest and support of
her Majesty herself. They may have made some errors

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 365

of judgment, but there was universally perfect sincerity
and loyalty to the trust. Among those concerned (and
whose names it is a pleasure to me to give) were, as Secre-
taries of State for India, Lord Iddesleigh, the Duke of
Argyll, Lord Salisbury, Viscount Cranbrook, and the Duke
of Devonshire (from 1867 till 1881, when the late Maharaja
was invested with power) ; as Viceroys, Lord Lawrence,
Lord Mayo, Lord Northbrook, Lord Lytton, and Lord
Ripon ; and lastly, the Chief Commissioners and other
officials of Mysore. The chief merit in the conduct of all
concerned was this. Lord Iddesleigh laid down in his
despatch of 16th of April, 1867 : —

“ Without entering upon any minute examination of the terms
of the Treaties of 1799, her Majesty’s Government recognise, in
the policy which dictated that settlement, a desire to provide for
the maintenance of an Indian dynasty on the throne of Mysore,
upon terms which should at once afford a guarantee for the
good government of the people and for the security of British
rights and interests. Her Majesty is animated by the same

desire, and shares the views to which I have referred

Her Majesty desires to maintain that family on the throne in the

person of his Highness’s adopted son It is therefore

the intention of her Majesty that the young Prince should have
the advantage of an education suitable to his rank and position
and calculated to prepare him for the duties of administration.”
[The italics are mine.]

This being once settled, though against all previous
opposition, and necessitating the withdrawal of Euro-
peans from the Services, all the authorities and officials
concerned, to their honour and praise, instead of putting
any obstacles in the way, or trying to frustrate the above
intentions, discharged their trust most loyally, and with
every earnestness and care and solicitude to carry the
work to success. The Blue-Books on Mysore from the
despatch of 16th April, 1867, to the installation of the late
Maharaja in 1881, is a bright chapter in the history of

366

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

British India, both in the justice, righteousness, and
statesmanship of the decision, and the loyalty and extreme
care of every detail in carrying out that decision — with
success and satisfactory results in both objects set forth
in the despatch, viz,, “ trie good government of the people ,
and the security of British rights and interests .”

I wish the India Office would make a return on
Mysore relations and affairs up to date, in continuation
of Bet. No. 1 of 1881 (c. 3026), to show how the good
and creditable work has been continued up to the present
time. I think I need not enter here into any details of
this good work from 1867 to 1881 of the British officials :
the Blue-Books tell all that. Of the work of the late
Maharaja from 1881 till his death at the end of 1894, it
would be enough for me to give a very brief statement
from the last Address of the Dewan to the Represent-
ative Assembly held at Mysore on 1st October, 1895, on
the results of the late Maharaja’s administration during
nearly fourteen years of his reign, as nearly as possible
in the Dewan’s words. The Maharaja was invested with
power on 25th March, 1881. Just previous to it, the
State had encountered a most disastrous famine by which
a fifth of the population had been swept away, and the
State had run into a debt of 80 lakhs of rupees to the
British Government. The cash balance had become re-
duced to a figure insufficient for the ordinary requirements
of the administration. Every source of revenue was at
its lowest, and the severe retrenchments which followed
had left every department of State in an enfeebled condi-
tion. Such was the beginning. It began with liabilities
exceeding the assets by 30f lakhs, and with an annual
income less than the annual expenditure by 1| lakhs.

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 367

Gomparing 1880-1 with 1894-5, the annual revenue rose
from 103 to 180| lakhs, or 75*24 per cent., and after
spending on a large and liberal scale on all works and
purposes of public utility, the net assets amounted to over
176 lakhs in 1894-5, in lieu of the net liability of 30f
lakhs with which his Highness’s reign began in 1881.

Rs.

In 1881, the balance of State Funds was ... ... 24,07,438

Capital outlay on State Railways ... ... 25,19,198

Against a liability to the British Government of ... 80,00,000

Leaving a balance of liability of Rs. 30f lakhs.

'On 30th June, 1895 :

i

Assets —

(1) Balance of State Funds

(2) Investment on account of Railway

Loan Repayment Fund ... *

(3) Capital outlay on Mysore-Harihar

Railway

(4) Capital outlay on other Railways

(5) Unexpended pertion of Capital borrowed

for Mysore-Harihar Railway (with
British Government)

Liabilities —

(1) Local Railway Loan ... Rs. 20,00,000

(2) English Railway Loan ... „ 1,63,82,801

1,27,23,615

27,81,500

1.48.03.306
41,33,390

15,79,495

3.60.21.306

1,83,82,801

Net Assets’ 1 ... ... ... Rs. 1,76,38,505

Add Othee Assets —

Capital outlay on original

Irrigation Works ... Rs. 99,08,935

Besides the above expenditure from current revenue,
there is the subsidy to the British Government of about
Rs. 25,00,000 a year, or a total of about Rs. 3,70,00,000 in
the fifteen years from 1880-1 to 1894-5, and the Maharaja’s
civil list of about Rs. 180,00,000, during the fifteen years
also paid from the current revenue. And all this together

308

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

with increase in expenditure in every department. Under
the circumstances above described, the administration
at the start of his Highness’s reign was necessarily very
highly centralised. The Dewan , or the Executive Admi-
nistrative head, had the direct control, without the
intervention of departmental heads of all the principal
departments, such as the Land Revenue, Forests, Excise,
Mining, Police, Education, Mujroyi, Legislative. As
the finances improved, and as department after depart-
ment was put into good working order and showed signs
of expansion, separate heads of departments were appointed
for Forests and Police in 1885, for Excise in 1889, for
Mujroyi in 1891, and for Mining in 1894. His Highness
was able to resolve upon the appointment of a separate
Land Revenue Commissioner only in the latter part of
1894. Improvements were made in other departments — -
Local and Municipal Funds, Legislation, Education, etc.
There are no wails which unfortunately the Finance
Ministers of British India are obliged to raise, year after
year, of fall in Exchange, over-burdening taxation, etc., etc.

And all the above good results are side by side with
an increase of population of 18’34 per cent, in the ten
years from 1881 to 1891, and there is reason to believe
that during the last four years the ratio of increase was
even higher. During the fourteen years the rate of mor-
tality is estimated to have declined 6’ 7 per mille.

But there is still the most important and satisfactory
feature to come, viz., that all this financial prosperity
was secured not by resort to new taxation in any form
or shape. In the very nature of things the present
system of administration and management of Indian ex-
penditure in British India cannot ever produce such

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 369

results, even though a Gladstone undertook the work.
Such is the result of good administration in a Native State
at the very beginning. What splendid prospect is in store
for the future if, as heretofore, it is allowed to develop
itself to the level of the British system with its own
Native Services, and not bled as poor British
India is.

Lord Iddesleigh is dead (though his name will never
be forgotten in India, and how he would have rejoiced !),
buo well may her Majesty, Lord Salisbury, and all others
concerned in it, and the British people, be proud of this
brilliant result of a righteous and statesmanlike act, and
may feel secure of the sincere and solid loyalty, gratitude,
and attachment of the rulers and people of Mysore to the
British supremacy.

Here, then, is the whole problem of the right and
natural administration of expenditure, etc., and stability
of British supremacy solved, and that most success-
fully, by Lords Salisbury and Iddesleigh. It is now
clear, by actual facts and operation, that the present
system of expenditure, in all aspects of the administration
of British India, is full of evil to the people and danger
to British supremacy, while, on the other hand, “ a
number of well-governed Native States, ” under the active
control and supremacy of Britain, will be full of benefit
and blessing both to Britain and India and a firm foun-
dation for British supremacy. And all this prophecy of
Lords Salisbury and Iddesleigh has been triumphantly
fulfilled. Lord Iddesleigh set to himself the problem
“ which should at once afford a guarantee for the good
government of the people and for the security of British
rights and interests, ” and most successfully solved it.

24

370

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

The obvious conclusion is that the only natural and
satisfactory relations between an alien supremacy and the
people of India can be established on this basis alone.
There are these obvious advantages in these relations : —

The British supremacy becomes perfectly secure and
founded upon the gratitude and affection of the people,
who, though under such supremacy, would feel as being
under their own rulers and as being guided and protected
by a mighty supreme power.

Every State thus formed, from the very nature of its
desire for self-preservation, will cling to the supreme
power as its best security against disturbance by any other
State.

The division in a number of States becomes a natural
and potent power for good in favour of the stability of the
British supremacy. There will be no temptation to any one
State to discard that supremacy, while, on the other hand, the
supreme Government, having complete control and power over
the whole government of each State, will leave no chance
for any to go astray. Every instinct of self-interest and
self-preservation, of gratitude, of high aspirations, and of
all the best parts cf human nature, will naturally be on the
side and in favour of British supremacy which gave birth
to these States. There will be an emulation among them to
vie with each other in governing in the best way possible,
under the eye and control of the supreme Government on
their actions, leaving no chance for misgovernment. Each
will desire to produce the best Administration Report every
year. In short, this natural system has all the elements of
consolidation of British power, of loyalty, and stability, and
of prosperity of both countries. On the other hand, under
the present system, all human nature and instincts are

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 37 1

against you, and must inevitably end in disintegration, re-
bellion, and disaster. No grapes from thistles ! Evil will
have its nemesis. 1 hope and pray that this Commission
will rise to the height of its mission, and accomplish it to
the glory of this country and the prosperity of both.

I must not be misunderstood. When I use the words
“ Native States,” I do not for a moment mean that these
new States are to revert to the old system of government
of Native rule. Not at all. The system of all departments
that exists at present, the whole mode of government, must
not only remain as it is, but must go on improving till it
reaches as nearly as possible the level of the more complete
mode of British government that exists in this country.
The change to be made is, that these States are to be gov-
erned by Native agency, on the same lines as at present, by
employing, as the Duke of Devonshire says, “ the best and
most intelligent of the Natives,” or as Lord Iddesleigh
says, “all that was great and good in them.”

One question naturally presents itself. Are new
dynastic Indian rajahs to be created for these new States ?
That is a question that men like Lord Salisbury himself
and the Indian authorities are best able to answer. There
may be difficulties in dynastic succession. If so, the best
mode of the headship under some suitable title of these
States may be by appointment by Government, and aided
by a representative Council. This mode has certain evident
advantages, viz., questions of dynastic succession may be
avoided, Government will be free to secure the best man
for the post, and Government will then have complete con-
trol over the States, especially with an English Resident,
as in all Native States at present. If thought necessary,
this control may be made still more close by having at the

372

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

beginning for some time an English joint- Administrator
instead of a Resident.

Sir Charles Dilke has, in one of his letters to me, said : —

“I also agree as to reduction of Europeans (so far as the non-
military people go). Indeed, I agree without limit, and would sub-
stitute for our direct rule a military protectorate of Native States,
as I have often said.”

In another letter to me, which is published in the Sep-
tember number of India , in 1893, Sir Charles dwells upon
the same subject at some length, proposing to follow up
the' case of Mysore and to divide India into a number of
Native States.

With regard to the financial relations between Britain
and India, whether for military or civil charges, I have
already expressed my views in my last representation. I
would not, therefore, make any further remarks here.

Once this natural and righteous system of government
by Native States is adopted, so as to make the administra-
tion of expenditure fully productive of good results to both
countries, I may with every confidence hope that the author-
ities, as in the case of Mysore, will loyally and scrupulous-
ly do their best to carry out the plan to success by esta-
blishing in India every necessary machinery for preparation,
examinations, and tests of character and fitness of the
Indians “ to (as Lord Iddesleigh says) develop the system
of Native government, to bring out Native talent and
statesmanship, and to enlist in the cause of government all
that was great and good in them.”

The prevention and cure of the evils of the present
material and moral bleeding, arising from the existing sys-
tem of the administration and management of expenditure,
from unjust financial relations between the two countries,
and for the redemption of the honour of this country from
the dishonour of the violation of the most solemn and

RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA.

373

binding pledges, are absolutely necessary, if India is to be
well governed, if British supremacy is to be made thorough-
ly stable, and if both countries are to be made prosperous
by a market for trade of nearly 300,000,000 of civilised
and prosperous people.

I do not here consider any other plan of Government
to secure effectively the double object laid down by Lord
Iddesleigh, because I think the plan proposed and carried
out by him is the most natural and the best, and most
secure for the continuance of British supremacy,

I also do not enter into any details, as all possible
difficulties of details, and the means by which they were
overcome, are all recorded in the Mysore Blue-Books.

I submit to the Commission that unless the patriotism
and prosperity of the people of India are drawn to the
side of British supremacy, no plan or mode of govern-
ment, under the existing system of expenditure, will be of
any good either to British supremacy or to the Indian
people. Evil and peril to both is the only dismal outlook.
On the other hand, a number of Native States, according
to the noble views and successful work of Lords Salisbury
and Iddesleigh, will contribute vastly both to the gain
and glory of the British people, to vast expansion of
trade, and to the prosperity and affection of the Indian
hundreds of millions of the human race.

If India is thus strengthened in prosperity, and
patriotically satisfied in British supremacy, I cannot feel
the least fear of Russia ever dreaming of invading India.
Without any military help from England, and without
any large European army, India will be all sufficient in
itself to repel any invasion, and to maintain British supre-
macy for her own and Britain’s sake.

S74

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

I hope earnestly that this Commission will, as Sir
Louis Mallet has urged, grapple with the disease of the
evil results of the present system of expenditure, instead
of, like other past Commissions and Committees, keeping
to th6 habit of merely palliating symptoms. J do not
much intervene in examining details of departmental
expenditure, such examination at proper intervals, as used
to be the case in the time of the Company, serves the
important purpose of keeping the Government up to mark
in care of expenditure. But unless the whole Government
is put on a natural basis, all examinations of details of
departmental expenditures will be only so much “ palliat-
ing with symptoms,” and will bring no permanent good
and strength either to the Indian people or to the British
supremacy.

I offer to be cross-examined on all my representa-
tions.

As before, I shall send a copy of this to every member
of the Commission.

Yours truly,

Dadabhai Naoroji.

V.

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.*

— — —

Dear Lord Welby, — I request you kindly to put
before the Commission this, my sixth, representation on
the subjects of our enquiry.

Nobody can more appreciate the benefits of the
British connexion than I do — Education in particular,
appreciation of, and desire for, British political institu-
tions, law and order, freedom of speech and public meet-
ing, and several important social reforms. All these are
the glory of England and gratitude of India. I am
most sincerely read } 7 to accord my gratitude for any
benefit which Britain can rightly claim.

But, while looking at one side, justice demands that
we look at the other side also. And the main object of
this Commission is to see the other side of the system of
the administration and management of expenditure and
right apportionment.

It must be remembered that while education and
law and order have been beneficial to the Indians
of British India they were also most essential to the
very existence of the British in India. Only that while
the benefits have been to both Britain and British India,
the cost has been all exacted from the Indians.

The British Empire in India is built up entirely
with the money of India, and, in great measure, by the
blood of India. Besides this, hundreds of millions, or,
more probably, several thousands of millions (besides what

* Submitted to the Welby Commission, 31st January 1897.

376

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

is consumed in India itself by Europeans and their
careers of life) of money, which British has unceasingly,
and ever increasingly, drawn from British Indians, and
is still drawing, has materially helped to make Britain
the greatest, the richest, and most glorious country
in the world — benefiting her material condition so
much that, even when there is a general and loud cry of
depression in agriculture, etc., the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer is rejoicing that his income tax is marvellously
increasing ; while British India in its turn is reduced to
“ extreme poverty ” and helotry.

Will the India Office be good enough to give us a
Return of the enormous wealth which Britain has drav/n
out of India during the past century and a half, calculated
with ordinary British commercial 5 per cent, compound
interest, leave alone the 9 per cent, ordinary commercial
rate of interest of British India ? What a tale will that
Return tell ! The India Office must have all the records of
the India House as well as its own.

I give a few figures that are available to me. The
best test of this drain from British India is (1) that portion
of produce exported out of British India for which nothing
whatever has returned to her in any shape, either of
merchandise or treasure ; (2) the profits of her whole
exports which she never got ; (3) that portion of the ex-
ports which belongs to the Native States, and which the
Native States get back, with their due profits, are included
in the total imports, and are therefore not included in the
“ net exports.” For No. (1)1 have the following authori-
tative figures for only 45 years (1849-50 to 1894-5,
“Statistical Abstract of British India,” No, 30, 1895,
p. 299). Will the India Office supply previous figures ?

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

377

This table shows that British India sent out, or
exported, of her produce to the extent of <£526,740,000,
for which she has not received back a single farthing’s
worth of any kind of material return. Besides this loss or
drain of actual produce, there is (No. 2) the further drain
of the profits on an* export of .£2,851,000,000, which,
taken at only 10 per cent., will be another <£285,000,000 — -
which British India has not received — subject to the
deduction of portion of (No. 3), viz., the profits of the
Native States. To this has to be added the profits which
Indian foreigners (i. e., the capitalists of Native States)
make in British India, and carry away to their own States^
Freight and marine insurance premiums have to be taken
into account, for whether for exports from, or imports
into, India, these items are always paid in England. It is
necessary to know how these two items are dealt with in
the Returns of the so-called trade of British India. In
ordinary circumstances, one may not complain if a
foreigner came and made his profits on a fair and equal
footing with the people of British India. But British
India is not allowed such fair and equal footing.

First, the unrighteous and despotic system of Govern-
ment prevents British India from enjoying its own pro-
duce or resources, and renders it capital-less and help-
less. Then, foreign capitalists come in and complete the
disaster, sinking the people to the condition of their
hewers of wood and drawers of water. The enormous
resources of India are all at the disposal and command
of these foreigners.

In understanding correctly the tables to which I
refer, it must be borne in mind that all the loans made to
India form a part of the imports, and are already paid for

378

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

and included in that portion of the exports which is equal
to the total imports, the “ net exports ” in the table being r
after allowing for all imports, including loans. Other-
wise, if these loans were deducted from the imports, the
“ net exports ” will be so much larger. The position of
the exploitation by the foreign capitalists is still worse
than I have already represented. Not only do they exploit
and make profits with their own capital, but they draw
even their capital from the taxation of the poor people
themselves. The following words of Sir James Westland
in the telegram of the Times of 18 th December last will
explain what I mean.

“ Sir J. Westland then explained how closely connected the
Money Market of India was with the Government balances, almost
all the available capital employed in commerce practically being

in those balances A crore and a half which under normal

conditions would have been at headquarters in Calcutta and
Bombay and been placed at the disposal of the mercantile commun-
ity for trading purposes.”

The Bank of Bengal and Chamber of Commerce
“ pressed the Government to take up the question of the
paper currency reserve a§ urgently as possible, and pass a
Bill without delay to afford relief to commerce.” So, the
European merchants, bankers, etc., may have Indian taxes
at their disposal, the profits of which they may take away
to their own country ! The poor wretched taxpayers must
not only find money for an unrighteous system of Govern-
ment expenditure but must also supply capital to exploit
their own resources.

The reference to this Commission is to enquire into
expenditure and apportionment. I am fully convinced,
and my representations fully prove it, that if the system
of the administration and management of expenditure
and the apportionment were based on principles of

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

379

righteousness, honesty, honour, and unselfishness, the
political peculiarities of India are such as would produce
an abiding attachment and connexion between the two
countries, which will not merely be of much benefit to
British India but of vastly more benefit to the British
themselves than at present. Hence, my extreme desire
that the connexion should continue and I can say truly
that, in a spirit of loyalty both to India and to the
British Empire, I have devoted my life to strengthening
this connexion. I feel it therefore my duty (though a
painful one) to point out candidly the causes which, in
my opinion, have weakened, and are weakening more
and more, this connexion, and, unless checked, threaten
to destroy it.

I. The un-English, autocratic and despotic system
of administration, under which the Indian people are not
given the slightest voice in the management of their own
expenditure. It is not creditable to the British character
that they should refuse to a loyal and law-abiding people
that voice in their own affairs which they value so much
for themselves.

II. The unrighteous “ bleeding ” of India, under
which the masses have been reduced to such “ extreme
poverty ” that the failure of one harvest causes millions
upon millions to die from hunger, and scores of millions
are living on “ scanty subsistence.” What Oriental des-
potism or Russian despotism in Russia can produce a
more deplorable result ?

III. The breach or evasion by subterfuges of
solemn pledges and proclamations, issued by her Majesty
and the British nation, and the flouting of such Acts and
Resolutions of Parliament as are favourable to Indians.

380

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Such proceedings destroy the confidence of the Indian
people in the justice of British rule. To sum up, these and
other errors in administration have had the effect of inflict-
ing upon India the triple evil of depriving the people of
Wealth, Work, and Wisdom, and making the British Indians,
as the ultimate result, “ extremely poor,” unemployed (their
services which are their property in their own country, being
plundered from them) and degradingly deteriorated and
debased, crushing out of them their very humanhood.

Before I proceed further, let me clear up a strange
confusion of ideas about prosperous British India and
poverty-stricken British India. This confusion of ideas
arises from this circumstance. My remarks are for British
India only.

In reality there are two Indias — one the prosperous,
the other poverty-stricken.

(1) The prosperous India is the India of the British
and other foreigners. They exploit India as officials, non-
officials, capitalists, in a variety of ways, and carry away
enormous wealth to their own country. To them India is,
of course, rich and prosperous. The more they can carry
away, the richer and more prosperous India is to them.
These British and other foreigners cannot understand
and realise why India can be called “ extremely poor,”
when they can make their life careers ; they can draw so
much wealth from it and enrich their own country. It
seldom occurs to them, if at all, what all that means to
the Indians themselves.

(2) The second India is the India of the Indians —
the poverty-stricken India. This India, “ bled ” and
exploited in every way of their wealth, of their services,
of their land, labour, and all resources by the foreigners,

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

381

helpless and voiceless, governed by the arbitrary law and
arguments of force, and with injustice and unrighteousness
— this India of the Indians becomes the “ poorest ” coun-
try in the world, after one hundred and fifty years of
British rule, to the disgrace of the British name. The
greater the drain the greater the impoverishment, resulting
in all the scourges of war, famine and pestilence. Lord
Salisbury’s words face us at every turn, 44 Injustice will
bring down the mightiest to ruin.” If this distinction of
the 44 prosperous India ” of the slave-holders and the
44 poverty-stricken India ” of the slaves be carefully borne
in mind, a great deal of the controversy on this point
will be saved. Britain can, by a righteous system, make
both Indias prosperous. The great pity is that the Indian
authorities do not or would not see it. They are blinded
by selfishness— to find careers for 44 our boys.”

To any appeals the ears of the British Indian authori-
ties are deaf. The only thing that an Indian can do is to
appeal to the British people. I must explain. I have no
complaint against the British people. The Sovereign, the
British people, and Parliament have all in one direction done
their duty by laying down the true and righteous principles
of dealing with India. But their desires and biddings are
made futile by their servants, the Indian authorities, in both
countries. For these reasons my only resource is to appeal
to the British people and to this Commission to cause the
order of her Majesty and of Parliament to be carried out.

It is not needful for me to repeat my views, which I
have given in my five previous representations, which have
been in the hands of the Commission from nine to fifteen
months, and in which I have dealt with both the injustice
and the evils, and the remedy of the present system of

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DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

expenditure and apportionment, and it remains for the
Commission to cross-examine me on all the six represen-
tations.

I would add here a few more remarks arising from
some of the evidence and other circumstances.

Indians are repeatedly told, and in this Com-
mission several times, that Indians are partners in the
British Empire and must share the burdens of the Empire.
Then I propose a simple test. For instance, supposing that
the expenditure of the total Navy of the Empire is, say,
<£20,000,000, and as partners in the Empire you ask
British India to pay <£1 0,000,000, more or less ; British
India, as partner, would be ready to pay, and therefore, as
partner, must have her share in the employment of British
Indians, and in every other benefit of the service to the
extent of her contribution. Take the Army. Suppose the
expenditure of the total Army of the Empire is, say,
£40,000,000. Now, you may ask <£20,000,000, or more or
less, to be contributed by British India. Then, as partners,
India must claim, and must have, every employment and
benefit of that service to the extent of her contribution.
If, on the other hand, you force the helpless and voiceless
British India to pay, but not to receive, a return to the
extent of the payment, then your treatment is the un-
righteous wicked treatment of the slave-master over British
India as a slave. In short, if British India is to be treated
as a partner in the Empire, it must follow that to what-
ever extent (be it a farthing or a hundred millions)
British India contributes to the expenses of any depart-
ment, to that extent the British Indians must have a share
in the services and benefits of that department — whether
civil, military, naval or any other ; then only will British

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383

India be the integral part ” of, or partner in, the Empire.
If there be honour and righteousness on the side of the
British, then this is the right solution of the rights and
duties of British India and of both the references to this
'Commission. Then will the Empire become a true Empire
with an honest partnership, and not a false Empire and an
untrue partnership. This is the main, principal question
the Commission has to clear up. This will fully show the
true nature and solution of both the expenditure and
apportionment. I appeal to the British people. When I
have been personally observing, during forty years, how
the British people are always on the side of the helpless
and the oppressed ; how, at present, they are exerting
every nerve, and lavishing money, to save the thousands
of Armenians, then I cannot believe that the same people
will refuse to see into the system of expenditure adopted
by their own servants, by which not merely some thousands
or hundred thousands suffer, but by which millions of their
own fellow-subjects perish in a drought, and scores of
millions live underfed, on scanty subsistence, from one end
of the year to the other. The so-called Famine Relief
Fund is nothing more or less than a mere substerfuge of
taxing the starving to save the dying. This fund does not
rain from heaven, nor does the British Exchequer give it.
If the Government spend, say <£5,000,000, on the present
famine they will simply squeeze it out of the poverty-
stricken surviving taxpayers, who would in turn become
the victims of the next drought.

The British people stand charged with the blood of
the perishing millions and the starvation of scores of
millions, not because they desire so, but because the
authorities to whom they have committed the trust betrky

3 84

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

that trust and administer expenditure in a manner based
upon selfishness and political hypocrisy, and most disas-
trous to the people. There is an Indian saying : u Pray
strike on the back, but don’t strike on the belly.”

Under the Native despot the people keep and enjoy
what they produce, though at times they suffer some vio-
lence on the back. Under the British Indian despot the
man is at peace, there is no violence ; his substance is
drained away, unseen, peaceably and subtly — he starves in
peace and perishes in peace, with law and order ! I wonder
how the English people would like such a fate ! I say r
therefore, to the British people, by all means help the poor
Armenians, but I appeal to you to look home also,,
and save the hundreds of millions of your own
fellow-subjects, from whom you have taken thousands
of millions of wealth, and obtained also your Indian
Empire, entirely at their cost and mainly with their
blood, with great careers for thousands of yourselves at our
cost and destruction.

The great question is not merely how to meet a famine
when it occurs — by taxing the poor people — but how to
prevent the occurrence of the famine. As long as the
present unrighteous system will prevail there will be no
end of the scourges of India. We are thankful for the
benefit of the knowledge of “ Western civilisation.” But
what we need is the deeds of Western righteousness and
honour to stop the famine and to advance the prosperity of
both countries. With relation to the present famine I
have to make one or two remarks.

For the famine of 1878, the British help amounted to
the magnificent sum of about, I think, ,£700,000. On the
other hand, the British public have to remember that they

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

385

have been drawing, by the unrighteous system of the
authorities, every year 30 to 40, or more times, <£700,000
from poor India ; or say from the time of the last famine
they have drawn from India, and added to their own
wealth, some £400,000,000 or more (leaving alone what
they have been draining for a century and a half), and if
they now give even £4,000,000 or £5,000,000 in the pre-
sent distress, it will be but 1 or 2 per cent, of what they
have obtained from India during the last eighteen years.
It is a duty of the British people to give in abundance
from the great, great abundance they have received. As
far as the poor people of India are concerned, they will
receive whatever you would give with deep gratitude in
their dire extremity.

The second fact is, what the British people will readily
and early give will have a double blessing. They will, in
the first instance, save so many lives, and in the next place
save the poor survivors from so much taxation, which
otherwise the Government would exact every farthing of,
for whatever Government would spend from the revenue.
The novel, loud and vain boast of the Government of India
having resources to meet the famine simply means this,
that every farthing of the whole famine expenditure (bad
or good) by the Government, will be, by their despotic
power, squeezed out of the wretched people themselves by
taxation in which they have not the slightest voice. Never
was there a false trumpet blown than the boast of the
Government to be able to cope with the famine “ with its
own resources.” Of course, the resources of despotism are
inexhaustible, for, who can prevent it from taxing as much
as it likes ? It is a wonder to me that they do not feel
ashamed of talking of “ their own resources,” when it all
25

386

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

means so much more squeezing of a squeezed and helpless
people. And especially when they not only, Shylock-like,
tyke the whole pound of their large salaries, but also the
ounce or blood of their illegal and immoral exchange com-
pensation !

Amongst the most favourite excuses of the Anglo-
Indians is, that the extreme poverty of the people and the
disasters of famines are owing to increase of population. I
have dealt with this subject in ray third representation,
and 1 want to say a few words more. The point to which
I want to draw attention here is, that Anglo-Indians, offi-
cial or non -official of every kind, are not at all competent
to pronounce any judgment upon the causes of poverty and
disasters of famines. For, they themselves are the accused,
as the cause of all the evils, and they cannot be judges to
try themselves. Their own deep interest is concerned in
it. Let them withdraw their hand from India’s throat,
and then see whether the increase in population is not an
addition to its strength and production instead of British-
made famines and poverty. Then it will also be seen that
the hundreds of millions cf British India, instead of being
afflicted with all sorts of evils, will become your best cus-
tomers and give you a true trade — more than your pre-
sent trade with the whole world.

I now refer to a strange sign of the times. By an
irony of fate, and as an indication of the future, and after
150 years of British connexion and rule, Russia — to whom
the Anglo-Indians always point as a threat — offers gene-
rous sympathy and aid to starving and dying British sub-
jects. I do not pretend to know Russia’s mind, but any
one can see what the effect of this, aided by the emissaries ,
might be on India. “See how kind and generous the

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

387

Russians are, and give us help.’' It will be further point-
ed out, “ See, not only are the Russians sympathetic with
you, but their great Emperor himself has published in his
book, words of condemnation of the rule which sucks
away your life-blood.” The Times of 10th December
last, in its leader on the Russo- Chinese Treaty says : —
“ Russia, we may be sure, will pursue her own policy
and promote her own interests.” “ Russia is bent
upon developing her vast Asiatic Empire.” But the
blind Indian authorities would not see that England
would not have any chance to hold her own in India
without the true (not lip-loyal) attachment of the Indian
people. Is it possible for any sane man to think that any
one nation can hold another in slavery and yet expect
loyal devotion and attachment from it ? It is not nature,
not human nature. It has never happened and will never
happen. Righteousness alone can exalt and be enduring.
Events are moving fast. The time is come when the
question must be speedily answered, whether India is to
be a real partner and strength to England, or a slave and
a weakness to England — as it has hitherto been. How
much of the future destiny of the British Empire and
India depends upon this, a man of an unbiassed mind can
think for himself. India forms five-sixths of the popula-
tion of the British Empire.

I put one question, which I have often put, and which
is always ignored or evaded. Suppose the British people
were subjected to the same despotic treatment of expendi-
ture by some foreign people, as India is by the British
Indian authorities, would the British people stand it, a
single day without rebelling against it? No, certainly
not ; and yet, can the British people think it righteous

388

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

and just to treat the Indians as the Indian authorities
do — as mere helpless and voiceless slaves. Macaulay has
truly said that :

“that would indeed be a doting wisdom which, in order that
India might remain a dependency, would make it a useless and
costly dependency, which would keep a hundred millions (now
225,000,000) from being our customers in order that they might
continue to be our slaves.”

The question of remedy I have already dealt with in
my fifth representation, and I would not have said more
here. But as the Times of 8th December last, in its
article on “ Indian Affairs,” confirms, by actual facts and
events, the wisdom and statesmanship of Lords Salisbury
and iddesleigh in their one great work of righteous and
wise policy, I desire to quote a few w 7 ords. Fortunately,
it is the very Mysore State to which this righteous and
wise act was done. The Times says: —

“ The account which Sir Sheshadri Iyer rendered to it of his
last year’s stewardship is one of increasing revenue, reduced taxa-
tion, expenditure firmly kept in hand, reproductive public works,
and a large expansion of cultivation, of mining and of industrial
undertakings. The result is a surplus which goes to swell the
previous accumulation from the same source.”

Can the present system of British administration and
management of the expenditure ever produce such results ?
Never. A dozen Gladstones will not succeed.

Continuous and increasing “bleeding” can only
reduce strength and kill. The Times’ article concludes
with the words : —

“ A narrative such as Sir Sheshadri Iyer was able to give to
the Representative Assembly of Mysore makes us realise the
growth of capital in the Native States, and opens up new pros-
pects of industrial undertakings and railway construction in
India on a silver basis.”

Can this be said of British India ? No. I shall quote
one other extract.

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

389

04 One of the Bombay Chiefs, after some experience of
railway-making in his own and adjoining territories, struck out
a new departure at the beginning of the present year. He con-
ceived the idea of public loans to be issued for railway construc-
tion by one Feudatory Prince to another on the guarantee of the
revenues of the borrowing State. The first transaction in wl)ich
this principle is completely carried out was a loan of two million
rupees by H. H. Sir Bhagvat Sinhji, the ruler of Gondal, to H.H.
Jasvant Sinhji, the ruler of Jamnagar, on the 8th of January,
1806 .”

Now, anybody who knows Jamnagar, knows that
with ordinary good management it will not be long before
that State is in a position to pay off its debts, just as the
good management of Mysore was able to do, and the good
management of Gondal has enabled its ruler to lend such
an amount. This loan by Gondal, it must be remembered,
is in addition to building its own railway in its own
territory from its own revenue, without any loan, or help,
or additional taxation.

No one can rejoice more than myself that Native
States which adopt ordinary good management go on
increasing in prosperity in strong contrast with the system
of the British management of expenditure. This is
fully confirmatory of the words of Lords Salisbury and
Iddesleigh as to what should be done for British India’s
prosperity. I have quoted these words in my fifth repre-
sentation. And some of them are worth quoting here

once more. Lord Salisbury said : —

44 The general concurrence of opinion of those who know
India best is that a number of well-governed small Native States
are in the highest degree advantageous to the development of the

political and moral condition of the people of India But

I think the existence of a well-go verm d Native State is a real
benefit, not only to the stability of our rule, but because more than
anything it raises the self-respect of the Natives, and forms an
ideal to which the popular feelings aspire.”

Referring to the several phases of the British rule, he
sums up that they produce an amount of inefficiency

390

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

which, when reinforced by natural causes and circumstances,
creates a terrible amount of misery. It might also be
noted that the richest provinces and most important
seaports are now British. So the people of British India
should be much more prosperous than those living in the
inferior districts left to Native Chiefs. Yet in British
India is the “ terrible amount of misery,” after a rule of
150 years by the most highly-trumpeted and most highly
paid services. Lord Id desleigh not only agreed with the
best course indicated by Lord Salisbury, but actually put it
fully into operation with the confidence that the course he
took would “ at once afford a guarantee for the good
government of the people, and for the security of British
rights and interests.” And after an experience of fifteen
years, the writer in the Times is able to express such
highly favourable opinion as I have quoted above.

Another favourite argument of some Anglo-Indians
is the want of capacity of the Indians. In the evidence
last year this was referred to once or twice. There is a
paper of mine in the Journals of the East India Associa-
tion on that subject, but I do not want to trouble the
Commission with it. It is the old trick of the tyrant not
to give you the opportunity of fair trial/ and to condemn
you off-hand as incapable. The Indians are put to the
iniquitous handicap to come over to this country for the
civil services in their own country, and from the Army

and Navy they are entirely excluded from the commis-
sioned ranks ; and all this in complete violation of the
most sacred pledges and Acts of Parliament. I will not,
however, trouble the Commission with any further remarks
on this all-important subject. It is enough for me to put
before the Commission the article in the Times of 5t h

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

391

October last on Indian affairs as the latest honest expres-
sion of a well-known Anglo-Indian, as there have been
many already from time to time from other Anglo-Indians.
I put this article as an appendix.

In question 13,353, Lord Wolseley said “ there never
was an India until we made it”; and in question 12,796,
Sir Ralph Knox says, “ My own view is that England has
made India what she is.” i acknowledge the correctness
of these statements, viz., an India to be exploited by
foreigners, and the most wretched, the poorest, the helpless,
without the slightest voice in her own expenditure, perish-
ing by millions in a drought, and starving by scores
of millions ; in short, “ bleeding ” at every pore and a
helotry for England. It is not England of the English
people who have made India what she is. It is the British
Indian authorities who have made her what she is.

And now I shall give some account of the process by
which this deplorable result was begun to be achieved. I
give the character of the process in authoritative words —
words of the Court of Directors, the Bengal Government,
and Lord Clive — disinterred and exposed by the Committee
of 1772.

First, I shall give a few words of the Court of
Directors : —

“A scene of most cruel oppression” (8/2/1764). “That they
have been guilty of violating treaties, of great oppression and a
combination to enrich themselves ” (Court of Directors’ Letter,
26/4/1765). “ The infidelity, rapaciousness, and misbehaviour of

our servants in general.” “ Every Englishman throughout the
country .... exercising his power to the oppression of the help-
less Native.” “ We have the strongest sense of the deplorable
state .... from the corruption and rapacity of our servants,
and the universal depravity of manners throughout the settle-
ment,” “ by a scene of the most tyrannic and oppressive conduct
that ever was known in any age or country” (17/5/1766).

392

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Now, a few words of Lord Clive and Bengal letters : —

“ Rapacity and luxury.” “ It is no wonder that the lust of
riches should readily embrace the proffered means of its gratifica-
tion, or that the instruments of your power should avail themselves
of their authority, and proceed even to extortion in those cases
where simple corruption could not keep pace with their rapacity.”
“ Luxury, corruption, avarice, and rapacity ” “ to stem that torrent
of luxury, corruption and licentiousness,” “ the depravity of the
Settlement,” “ shameful oppression and flagrant corruption,”
“grievous exactions and oppressions.” “The most flagrant
oppressions by members of the Board.” “ An administration so
notoriously corrupt and meanly venal throughout every depart-
ment,” “ which, if enquired into, will produce discoveries, which
cannot bear the light .... but may bring disgrace upon this
nation, and at the same time, blast the reputation of great and
good families.”

Such were the first relations between England and
India, and the manner in which India was being made
what she is.

Change came — corruption and oppression were replaced
by high salaries. It is so easy and agreeable to give one’s
own countrymen high salaries at other people’s expense —
the drain remains going on heavier and heavier. What
the drain in the last century was generally estimated at
— something like three or five millions a year — has now
become, perhaps, ten times as much. Would the India
Office be good enough to give a correct statement ?

Adding insult to injury, the Indians have often
flaunted in their face the loans made to them, which are
perhaps not one-twentieth of what is taken away from
the wretched country, and which further drains the
country in the shape of profits and interest. And the
capitalists also are supposed to benefit us by using us as
hewers of wood and drawers of water, and taking away
from the country the profits of the resources of that
country, and thus we lose our own wealth, services, and
experience, helplessly ] and yet we are told by some we

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

393

are getting immensely prosperous. May the British
people never meet our fate !

After 1 had finished the above I attended the meet-
ing at the Mansion House. I do not in any way blame
the speakers ; but what a humiliating confession it was
about the treatment of India by England. The only
wonder is that those who made this confession did not
seem to be conscious of its humiliation and unrighteous-
ness. On the contrary, they took it with a complacency
as if it was a merit of the Indian authorities. But
Nature spoke the truth of the great wrong through them.
Here is a people, who if they pride themselves — and
justly pride — upon anything, it is their love of liberty,
their determination to submit to no despotic master,
who beheaded one king and banished another to preserve
and maintain their government, with the voice of the
people themselves, who sing that Britain shall never be
a slave, whose fundamental boast is that they regard
taxation without representation is tyranny,” and that
they would resist any such tyranny to a man. These
people, it is confessed from a platform in the very centre
of the struggle for liberty, proclaimed with a naivete
and unctuousness that they deliberately in India de-
prived the hundreds of millions of people of this very
right of bumanhood for which they are so proud for them-
selves, that they reduced the people of India from human-
hood to beasts of burden, depriving them of every voice
whatsoever in their own affairs, and that they deliber-
ately chose to govern them as the worst despots — the
foreign despots for whom Macaulay has said that “ the
heaviest of all yokes is the yoke of the stranger.” And
it is this yoke of the worst despotism they imposed upon

394 DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

India, with all its most horrible evils of exploitation and
all the scourges of this world. A Briton would not be
a slave, but he would make hundreds of millions of
others his slaves ! — the greatest crime that any one
nation can commit against another. And yet these Anglo-
Indians are so callous to their own British instincts and
character, that they proclaimed from the platform, with
every complacency, that they had deliberately committed
the unhumanising wrong, without feeling the least blush of
shame, and to the disgrace and humiliation of their own na-
tion f the British people, though the British people never
desired such un-English unrighteousness towards the people
of India ; on the contrary, they always desired and proclaim-
ed, by the most solemn pledges and Acts of Parliament,
that the Indians shall be British citizens, with all the rights
and duties of British citizenship, exactly like those which
the British people themselves enjoy. Never was there a
more condemnatory confession than in those speeches, that
with the results of the terrible famine and plague they
were bringing out more and more the bitter fruits of their
unrighteous system in the administration of expenditure
in the deaths of millions by famine and in the starvation
of scores of millions.

The other day an Anglo-Indian military officer, talking
about the immigration of the persecuted Jews in this count-
ry, held forth with the greatest indignation why these
wretched Jews should come to this country and deprive
our poor workingmen of their bread. Little did he think
at the time that he himself was an immigrant forced upon
the Indian people by a despotic rule, and was depriving
them, not of the bread of one person, but perhaps of
hundreds, or thousands, of the poor workingmen of India.

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.

395

I felt thankful from the bottom of my heart to the
Lord Mayor for that meeting. It brought out two things
— a satisfactory assurance to the Indian people that the
British people are feeling for their distress, and are
willing to help ; and a lesson to the British people which
they ought to take to heart, and for which they
should do their duty, that their servants have deliber-
ately adopted an un-English and unrighteous course, and
deprived hundreds of millions of human beings of the
very thing which the British people value most above all
things in the world — their own voice in their own affairs ;
their highest glory above all other nationalities in the
world. They call us fellow-citizens, and they must make
their word a reality, instead of what it is at present, an
untruth and a romance — simply a relationship of slave-
holder and slave.

I shall sum up my six representations by reading
before the Commission a brief note of my propositions at the
commencement of my examination, leaving the Commission
to cross-examine me afterwards. I shall also lay before
the Commission certain other papers bearing upon our
enquiry.

Yours truly,

Dadabhai Naoroji.

VI.

ADMISSION OF NATIVES TO THE
COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE*

Dear Lord Welby, — I now give my statement on
the Admission of Natives to the Covenanted Civil Service in
India, as promised by me at the meeting of the Commis-
sion on 21st July last, and request you to place it before
the Commission. I shall send a copy to the members.

If required, I shall give any further statement I can
on any particular point that may require to be more
elucidated. I shall be willing to be cross-examined if
required.

The first deliberate and practical action was taken
by Parliament in the year 1833.

All aspects of the whole question of all services were
then fully discussed by eminent men ; and a Committee
of the House made searching enquiry into the whole
subject.

I give below extracts from what was said on that
occasion, and a definite conclusion was adopted.

I am obliged to give some nf the extracts at length,
because it must be clearly seen on what statesmanlike and
far-seeing grounds this conclusion was arrived at.

The italics all through are mine, except when I say
that they are in the original.

* Submitted to the Welby Commission, November 3rd, 1897.

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

397

East India Company’s Charter,
Hansard , Yol. XIX, Third Series, p. 169.
July 5th, 1833.

The Marquis of Lansdowne
“ But he should be taking a very narrow view of this ques-
tion, and one utterly inadequate to the great importance of the
subject, which involved in it the happiness or misery of 100,000,000
of human beings, were he not to call the attention of their
lordships “ to the bearing which this question and to the influence
which this arrangement must exercise upon the future destinies of
that vast mass of people.” He was sure that their lordships would
feel, as he indeed felt, that their only justification before God and
Providence for the great and unprecedented dominion which they
exercised in India was in the happiness which they communicated
to the subjects under their rule, and in proving to the world at
large and to the inhabitants of Hindustan that the inheritance of
Akbar (the wisest and most beneficent of Mahomedan Princes) had
not fallen into unworthy or degenerate hands. Hence it was im-
portant that when the dominion of India was transferred from the
East India Company to the King’s Government they should have
the benefit of the experience of the most enlightened councillors,
not only on the financial condition of our Empire in the East but
also on the character of its inhabitants. He stated confidently,
after referring to the evidence given by persons eminently calcu-
lated to estimate what the character of the people of India was,
that they must, as a first step to their improved social condition,
be admitted to a larger share in the administration of their local
affairs. On that point their lordships had the testimony of a series
of successful experiments and the evidence of the most unexcep-
tionable witnesses who had gone at a mature period of their life
and with much natural and acquired knowledge to visit the East.
Among the crowd of witnesses which he could call to the improv-
able condition of the Hindu character he would select only two ;
but those two were well calculated to form a correct judgment,
and fortunately contemplated Indian society from very different
points of view. Those two witnesses were Sir Thomas Monro and
Bishop Heber. He could not conceive any two persons more emi-
nently calculated to form an accurate opinion upon human character,
and particularly upon that of the Hindu tribes. They were both
highly distinguished for talent and integrity, yet they were placed
in situations from which they might have easily come to the forma-
tion of different opinions — one of them being conversant with the
affairs of the East from his childhood and familiarised by long
habit with the working of the system, and the other being a refined
Christian philosopher and scholar going out to the East late in
life, and applying in India the knowledge which he had acquired

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DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

here to form an estimate of the character of its inhabitants. He
held in his hand the testimony of each of those able men, as ex-
tracted from their different published works, and with the permis-
sion of the House he would read a few words from both. Sir
T. Monro, in speaking of the Hindu character, said : ‘ Unless we
suppose that they are inferior to us in natural talent, which there
is no reason to believe, it is much more likely that they will be
duly qualified for their employments than Europeans for theirs —
because the field of selection is so much greater in the one than in
the other. We have a whole nation from which to make our choice
of Natives, but in order to make choice of Europeans we have only
the small body of the Company’s Covenanted servants. No con-
ceit more wild and absurd than this was ever engendered in the
darkest ages : for what is in every age and every country the
great stimulus to the pursuit of knowledge but the prospect of
fame or wealth or power ? Or what is even the use of great at-
tainments if they are not to be devoted to their noblest purpose,
the service of the community, by employing those who possess
them according to their respective qualifications in the various
duties of the public administration of the country ? Our books
alone will do little or nothing ; dry, simple literature will never
improve the character of a nation. To produce this effect it must
open the road to wealth and honour and public employment.
Without the prospect of such reward no attainments in science will
ever raise the character of a people.’ That was the sound practical
opinion of Sir T. Monro, founded on his experience acquired
in every part of India, in every department of the publice service.
Bishop Heber during his extensive journey of charity and religion
through India, to which he at length fell a martyr, used these
remarkable expressions : i Of the natural disposition of the Hindu
J_ still see abundant reason to think highly, and Mr. Bayley and
Mr. Melville both agreed with me that they are constitutionally
hind -hearted, industrious, sober, and peaceable ; at the same time
that they show themselves on proper occasions a manly and cour-
rageous people.’ And again : ‘ They are decidedly by nature a

mild, pleasing, and intelligent race, sober, parsimonious, and,
where an object is held out to them, most industrious and per-
severing.’ Their lordships were therefore justified in coming to
the same conclusion — a conclusion to which, indeed, they must come
if they only considered the acts of this people in past ages — if they
only looked at the monuments of gratitude and piety which they
had erected to their benefactors and friends — for to India, if to
any country, the observation of the poet applied : —

1 Sunt hie ctiam sua preemia laudi,

Sunt laerymse verum, et mentem mortalia tangunt.’

But. however much civilisation had been obscured in those
r egions, whatever inroads foreign conquest and domestic super-
stition had made upon their moral habits, it was undeniable that

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

399

they had still materials left for improving and ameliorating their
condition ; and their lordships would be remiss in the performance
of the high duties which devolved upon them if they did not
secure to the numerous Natives of Hindustan the ample develop-
ment of all their mental endowments and moral qualifications.
“ It was a part of the new system which he had to propose to
their lordships that to every office in India every Native, of
whatsoever caste, sect, or religion, should by law be equally
admissible, and he hoped that Government would seriously endea-
vour to give the fullest effect to this arrangement, which would
be as beneficial to the people themselves as it would be advanta-
ges to the economical reforms which were now in progress in
different parts of India.”

(Page 174, July 5th , 1833.) — “ And without being at all
too sanguine as to the result of the following up those principles
without calculating upon any extension of territory through
them, he was confident “that the strength of the Government
would be increased by the happiness of the people over whom it
presided, and by the attachment of those nations to it.”

Tol. XIX., Third Series, p. 191.

July 5th , 1833.

Lord Ellenborough : —

“ He felt deeply interested in the prosperity of India, and
when he was a Minister of the Crown, filling an office peculiarly
connected with that country, he had always considered it his
paramount duty to do all in his power to promote that prosperity.
He was as anxious as any of his Majesty’s Ministers could be
to raise the moral character of the Native population of India.
He trusted that the time would eventually come, though he never
■expected to see it, when the Natives of India could, with advan-
tage to the country and with honour to themselves, fill even
the highest situations there. He looked forward to the arrival
of such a period, though he considered it far distant from the
present day ; and he proposed, by the reduction of taxation
which was the only way to benefit the lower classes in India, to
elevate them ultimately in the scale of society, so as to fit them
for admission to offices of power and trust. To attempt to
precipitate the arrival of such a state of society as that he had
been describing was the surest way to defeat the object in view.
He never, however, looked forward to a period when all offices
lii India would be placed in the hands of Natives. No man in
his senses would propose to place the political and military power
in India in the hands of the Natives.

“The Marquess of Lansdowne observed that what the
Government proposed Was' that. 'all offices in India should be by
law open to the Natives of that country.

400

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

“ Lord EUenborough said such was precisely the proposition
of Government, but our very existence in India depended upon
the exclusion of the Natives from military and political power in
that country. We were there in a situation not of our own seekings
in a situation from which we could not recede without producing
bloodshed from one end of India to the other. We had won the
Empire of India by the sword, a,nd we must preserve it by the
same means, doing at the same time everything that was consistent
with our existence there fore the good of the people.”

Macaulay fully answers Lord EUenborough.

Vol. XiX, Third Series, p. 533.
July 10 th : 1833.

Mr. Macaulp.y : —

“ I have detained the House so long, Sir, that I will defer
what I had to say in some parts of this measure— important parts,
indeed, but far less important as I think than those to which I
have adverted, till we are in Committee. There is, however, one
part of the Bill on which, after what has recently passed elsewhere,

I feel myself irresistibly impelled to say a few words. “ I allude
to that wise, that benevolent, that noble clause, which enacts
that no Native of our Indian Empire shall, by reason of his colour
his descent, or his religion, be incapable of holding office.” At
the risk of being called by that nickname which is regarded as
the most opprobrious of all nicknames by men of selfish
hearts and contracted minds — at the risk of being called a
philosopher — I must say that, to the last day of my life , I shall
he proud of having been one of those who assisted in the fram-
ing of the Bill which contains that clause. We are told that
the time can never come when the Natives of India can be admit-
ted to high civil and military office. We are told that this is the
condition on which we hold our power. We are told that we are
bound to confer on our subjects— every benefit which they are
capable of enjoying ? — no — which it is in our power to confer on
them ?— no— but which we can confer on them without hazard
to our own domination. “Against that proposition I solemnly
protest as inconsistent alike with sound policy and sound
morality.”

“ I am far, very far, from wishing to proceed hastily in this
most delicate matter. I feel that, for the good of India itself, the
admission of Natives to high office must be effected by slow
degrees. But that when the fulness of time is come, when the
interest of India requires the change, we ought to refuse to make
that change lest we should endanger our own power — this is a
doctrine which I cannot think of without indignation. Govern-
ments, like men, may buy existence too dear. “ Propter vitam
vivendi pordere eausas,’ is a despicable policy either in individuals-

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 401

or in States. In the present ease, such a policy would be not only
despicable, but absurd.” The mere extent of empire is not neces-
sarily an advantage. To many Governments it has been cumber-
some ; to some it has been fatal. It will be allowed by every
statesman of our time that the prosperity of a community is made
up of the prosperitv of those who compose the community, and
that it “ is the most childish ambition to covet dominion which
adds to no man's comfort or security.” To the great trading
nation, to the great manufacturing nation, no progress which any
portion of the human race can make in knowledge, in taste for the
conveniences of life, or in the wealth by which those conveniences
are produced, can be matter of indifference. It is scarcely
possible to calculate the benefits which we might derive from
the diffusion of European civilisation among the vast popula-
tion of the East. “ It would be, on the most selfish view of the
case, far better for us that the people of India were well governed
and independent of us, than ill-governed and subject to us ” — that
they were ruled by their own kings, but wearing our broad cloth,
and working with our cutlery, than that they were performing
their salaams to English Collectors and English Magistrates, but
were too ignorant to value, or too poor to buy, English manu-
factures. To trade with civilised men is infinitely more profit-
able than to govern savages. “That would indeed be a doting
wisdom, which, in order that India might remain a dependency*
would keep it a useless and costly dependency — which would keep
a hundred millions of men from being our customers in order that
they might continue to be our slaves. <

“ It was, as Bernier tells us, the practice of the miserable
tyrants whom he found in India, when they dreaded the capacity
and spirit of some distinguished subject, and yet could not ven-
ture to murder him, to administer to him a daily dose of the
pousta, a preparation of opium, the effect of which was in a few
months to destroy all the bodily and mental powers of the wretch
who was drugged with it, and to turn him into a helpless idiot.

That detestable artifice, more horrible than assassination itself,
was worthy of those who employed it. “ It is no model for the
English nation. We shall never consent to administer the pousta
to a whole community — to stupefy and paralyse a great people,
whom God has committed to our charge, for the wretched purpose
of rendering them more amenable to our control.” What is that
power worth which is founded on vice, on ignorance, and on
misery— which we can hold only by violating the most sacred
duties which as governors we owe to the governed — which as a.
people blessed with far more than an ordinary measure of political
liberty and of intellectual light, we owe to a race debased by three
thousand years of despotism and priestcraft ? “ We are free, we
are civilised to little purpose, if we grudge to any portion of the
human race an equal measure of freedom and civilisation.

26

402

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

“ Are we to keep the people of India ignorant in order
that we may keep them submissive ? Or do we think that we
can give them knowledge without awakening ambition ? Or
do we mean to awaken ambition and to provide it with no legiti-
mate vent ? Who will answer any of these questions in the affirm-
ative ? Yet one of them must be answered in the affirmative by
■every person wh6 maintains that we ought permanently to exclude
the Natives from high office. “ I have no fears. The path of duty
is plain before us : and it is also the path of wisdom, of national
prosperity, of national honour.

“ The destinies of our Indian Empire are covered with
thick darkness. It is difficult to form any conjecture as to
the fate reserved for a State which resembles no other in
history, and which forms by itself a separate class of political
phenomena. The laws which regulate its growth and its decay
are still unknown to us. It may be that the public mind of India
may expand under our system till it has outgrown that system ;
that by good government we may educate our subjects into a capa-
city for better government, that, having become instructed in Euro-
pean knowledge, they may, in some future age, demand European
institutions. Whether such a day will ever come I know not.
“But never will I attempt to avert or to retard it. Whenever it
comes, it will be the proudest day in English history.” To have
found a great people sunk in the lowest depths of slavery and
superstition, to have so ruled them as to have made them desirous
and capable of all the privileges of citizens would indeed be a
title to “ glory all our own.” The sceptre may pass away
from us. Unforeseen accidents may derange our most profound
schemes of policy. Victory may be inconstant to our arms. “But
there are triumphs which are followed by no reverses. There is
an empire exempt from all natural causes of decay. Those triumphs
are the pacific triumphs of reason over barbarism ; that empire is
the imperishable empire of our arts and our morals, our literature,
and our law.”

Vol. XIX, Third Scries, p. 536.
T uly 10 th , 1833 .

Mr. Wynn : —

“ In nothing, however, more unreservedly did he agree with
the hon. member than in the sentiments which he so forcibly im-
pressed on the House at the close of his speech. “He had been
convinced, ever since he was first connected with the affairs of
India, that the only principle on which that Empire could justly
or wisely or advantageously be administered was that of admitting
the Natives to a participation in the government, and allowing
them to hold every office the duties of which they were competent

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

403

to discharge.” That principle had been supported by the authority
of Sir Thomas Monro, and of the ablest functionaries in India,
and been resisted with no small pertinacity and prejudice. It had
been urged that the Natives were undeserving of trust, that no
dependence could be placed on their integrity, whatever might be
their talents and capacity, which no one disputed. Instances
were adduced of their corruption and venality — “ but were they
not the result of our conduct towards them ? ” Duties of import-
ance devolved upon them without any adequate remuneration
either in rank or salary. There was no reward or promotion for
fidelity ; and why then complain of peculation and bribery. “ We
made vices and then punished them ; we reduced men to slavery
and then reproached them with the faults of slaves.”

Vol. XIX, Third Series, p. 547.

July 10 th, 1833.

Mr. Charles Grant, in replying, said : —

“ He would advert very briefly to some of the suggestions
which had been offered in the course of this debate. Before doing
so, he must first embrace the opportunity of expressing not what
he felt, for language could not express it, but of making an
attempt to convey to the House his sympathy with it in its admira-
tion of the speech of his hon. and learned friend the member
for Leeds — a speech which, he would venture to assert, had never
been exceeded within those walls for the development of statesman-
like policy and practical good sense. It exhibited all that was
noble in oratory, all that was sublime, he had almost said, in
poetry— all that was truly great, exalted, and virtuous in human
nature. If the House at large felt a deep interest in this magni-
ficent display it might judge of what were his emotions when
he perceived in the hands of his hon. friend the great principles
he had propounded to the House glowing with fresh colours and
arrayed in all the beaut} r of truth.

I I B Q I

“ If one circumstance more than another could give him
satisfaction it was that the main principle of this Bill had received
the approbation of the House, and that the House was now legis-
lating for India and the people of India on the great and just
principle that in doing so the interests of the people of India
should be principally consulted, and that all other interests of
wealth, of commerce, and of revenue, should be as nothing com-
pared with the paramount obligation imposed upon the legislature
of promoting the welfare and prosperity of that great Empire
which Providence had placed in our hands.

! I ) l i

404

DADABHAI NAOROjf S WRITINGS.

“ Convinced as he was of the necessity of admitting
Europeans to India, he would not consent to remove a single
restriction on their admission unless it was consistent with tho
interests of the Natives. Provide for their protection and then
throw open wide the doors of those magnificent regions and admit
subjects there — not as aliens, not as culprits, but as friends. In
spite of the difference between the two peoples, in spite of the
difference of their religions, there was a sympathy which he was
persuaded would unite them, and he looked forward with hope and
eagerness to the “ rich harvest of blessings which he trusted would
flow from the present measure.”

Page 624, July 12 th 1833.

Mr. Wynn : —

“ He could not subscribe to the perfection of the system that
had hitherto prevailed in India ; for, he could not forget that the
Natives and half-castes were excluded from all employment in
situations where they could be more effective than Europeans and
at a much smaller cost. u The principle of employing those per-
sons he considered to be essential to the good government of India,”
and he could not applaud that system which had been founded on
a violation of that principle.”

Yol. XX., Third Series, p. 223,
August 5 th t 1833.

Duke of Wellington : —

“ Then with respect to the clause declaring the Natives to be
eligible to all situations. Why was that declaration made in the
face of a regulation preventing its being carried into effect ? It
was a mere deception. It might, to a considerable extent, be
applicable in the capitals of the Presidencies ; but, in the interior,
as appeared by the evidence of Mr. Elpliinstone, and by that of
every respectable authority, it was impracticable. He certainly
thought that it was advisable to admit the Natives to certain in-
ferior civil and other offices ; but the higher ones must as yet be
closed against them, if our Empire in India was to be maintained.”

After such exhaustive consideration from all political,
imperial, and social aspects, the following, “ that wise, that
benevolent, that noble clause,” was deliberately enacted by
the Parliament of this country — worthy of the righteous-
ness, justice, and noble instincts of the British people in
the true British spirit

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

405

3 and 4 William IV., cap. 85. 1833*

‘‘That no native of the said territories, nor any natural-born
subject of his Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of
his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be
disabled from holding any place, office, or employment under the
said Company.”

Ret. C— 2376, 1879, p. 13.

“ The Court of Directors interpreted this Act in an
explaining despatch in the following words : —

“The Court conceive this section to mean that “there shall be
no governing caste in British India” ; that whatever other tests of
qualification may be adopted, distinction of race or religion shall
not be of the number; that no subject of the King, whether of
Indian or British or mixed descent, shall be excluded from the
posts usually conferred on Uncovenanted servants in India, or
from the Covenanted Service itself , provided he be otherwise
eligible.”

After this explanation by the Court of Directors, bow
did they behave ?

During the twenty years of their Charter, to the year
1853, they made the Act and their own explanation a com-
plete dead letter. They did not at all take any steps to
give the slightest opportunity to Indians for a single
appointment to the Covenanted Civil Service, to which my
statement chiefly refers ; though the British people and
Parliament are no party to this unfaithfulness, and never
meant that the Act should remain a sham and delusion.

Twenty years passed, and the revision of the Com-
pany’s Charter again came before Parliament in 1853 ; and
if anything was more insisted on and bewailed than
another, it was the neglect of the authorities to give effect
to the Act of 1833. The principles of 1833 were more
emphatically insisted on. I would just give a few extracts
from the speeches of some of the most eminent statesmen
in the debate on the Charter.

406

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Hansard , Yol, 120 p. 865.
April 19 th, 1852.

Mr. Golbeurn : —

“ Sir Thomas Monro had said — There is one great question to
which we should look in all our arrangements, namely, what is to
be the final result of our government on the character of the
people, and whether that character will be raised or lowered.
Are we to be satisfied with merely securing our power and
protecting the inhabitants, leaving them to sink gradually in
character lower than at present, or are we to endeavour to raise
their character ? It ought undoubtedly to be our aim to
raise the minds of the Natives, and to take care that whenever
our connexion with India shall cease, it shall not appear that the
only fruit of our dominion had been to leave the people more
abject than when we found them. It would certainly be more
desirable we should be expelled from the country altogether,
than that our system of government should be such an abase-
ment of a whole people.”

Hansard , Yol. 121, p. 496.

May Uth, 1852.

Lord Monteagle, in presenting a petition to the
House of Lords, said : —

“ But a clause recommended or supported as he believed by
the high authority of Lord William Bentinck was made part of
the last Charter Act of the 3rd and 4th William IV, and affirmed
the principle of an opposite policy. It was to the following
effect : . . . . Yet notwithstanding his authority, notwithstand-
ing likewise the result of the experiment tried and the spirit of
the clause he had cited, there had been a practical exclusion of
them from all 4 Covenanted Services,’ as they were called, from
the passing of the last Charter up to the present time.”

Mr. Bright

Hansard, Yol. 127, p. 1,184.
Jvne 3rd, 1853.

“ Another subject requiring close attention on the part of
Parliament was the employment of the Natives of India in the
service of the Government. The right hon. member for Edin-
burgh (Mr. Macaulay), in proposing the India Bill of 1833 had
dwelt on one of its clauses, which provided that neither colour nor
caste nor religion nor place of birth should be a bar to the employ-

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

407

ment of persons by the Government ; whereas, as matter of fact,
from that time to this no person in India had been so employed
who might not have been equally employed before that clause was
enacted ; and from the statement of the right hon. gentleman the
President of the Board of Control, that it was proposed to keep
up the Covenanted Service system, it was clear that this most
objectionable and most offensive state of things was to continue.
Mr. Cameron, a gentleman thoroughly versed in the subject, as
fourth Member of Council in India, President of the Indian Law
Commission, and of the Council of Education for Bengal — w T hat
did he say on this point ? He said : ‘ The statute of 1833 made
the Natives of India ‘ eligible to all offices ’ under the Company.
But during the twenty years that have since elapsed not one of
the Natives has been appointed to any offices except such as they
were eligible to before the statute.”

Hansard , Yol. 128, p. 759, 1853.

Macaulay said : —

“ In my opinion we shall not secure or prolong our dominion
in India by attempting to exclude the Natives of that country
from a share in its government.” ( Contemporary Review , June,
1883, p. 803.)

Mr. Rich : —

Hansard , Yol. 128, p. 986.
June 30 th, 1853.

“ But if the case as to the Native military was a strong one, it
was much stronger as to civilians. It had been admitted that
ninety-five per cent, of the administration of justice was discharged
by Native judges. Thus they had the work, the hard work; but
the places of honour and emolument were reserved for the Coven-
anted Service — the friends and relatives of the directors. Was it
just that the whole work, the heat and labour of the day, should be
borne by Natives and all the prizes reserved for Europeans? Was
it politic to continue such a system ? They might turn up the whites
of their eyes and exclaim at American persistence in slavery.
There the hard work was done by the negro whilst the control and
enjoyment of profit and power were for the American. Was ours
different in India? What did Mill lay down ? European control —
Native agency. And svhat was the translation of that? ‘White
power, black slavery.’ Was this just, or was it wise ? Mill said
it was necessary in order to obtain respect from the Natives. But
he (Mr. Kieh) had yet to learn that injustice was the parent of
respect. Real respect grew out of common service, common emul a-
tion, and common ^rights impartially upheld. We must underp 1 n

408

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

our Empire by such principles, or some fine morning it would
crumble beneath our feet. So long as he had a voice in that House
it should be raised in favour of admitting our Native fellow
subjects in India to all places to which their abilities and conduct
should entitle them to rise.”

Hansard, y ol. 129, p. 581.
July 21s£, 1853.

Mr. Moncton Milnes : —

“ Objectionable as he believed many parts of the Bill were, he
considered this was the most objectionable portion, and from it,
very unhappy consequences might arise. When the Natives of
India, heard it proclaimed, that they had a right to enter the ser-
vice of the Company, they would by their own intelligence and
ability render themselves qualified for that service, if they only
had the means of doing so. Then one of the two consequences
would follow. They would either find their way into the service,
or else the Company would have arrayed against; them a spirit of
discontent on the part of the whole people of India, the result of
which it would be difficult to foresee. He did not see on what
principles of justice, if they once admitted the principle of open
competition, they could say to the Natives of India they had not a
perfect right to enter the service.”

Hansard, Vol. 129, p. 665.
July 22nd, 1853.

Mr. J. G. Phillimore quotes Lord William Ben-
tinck : —

“ ‘The bane of our system’ is not solely that the Civil Administration
Is entirely in the hands of foreigners, but the holders of this mono-
poly, the patrons of these foreign agents, are those who exercise its
directing power at home ; that this directing power is exclusively
paid by patronage, and that the value of the patronage depends
exactly upon the degree in which all the honours and emoluments
of the State are engrossed by their clients to the exclusion of the
Natives, There exists, in consequence, on the part of the home
authorities, an interest in the Administration precisely similar to
what formerly prevailed as to commerce, ‘ and directly opposed to
the welfare of India.’”

Though open competition was introduced, the mono-
poly of the Europeans and the injustice and injury to the
Indians was allowed to continue by refusing to the Indians
simultaneous examinations in India as the only method of
justice to them, as will be seen further on. m

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 409

Mr. Rich and Lord Stanley (the late Lord Derby)
then emphatically put their fingers upon this black plague-
spot in the system of British rule.

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 682.
July 22nd, 1853.

Mr. Rich raised the question whether or not the
Natives were to be admitted to the Company's Covenanted
■Service. He said : —

“ As regarded employment in the public service, the Natives
were placed in a worse position by the present Bill than they were
before. The intention of the Act of 1833 was to open the services
to the Natives ; and surely now, when our Indian Empire was
more secure than it was at that time, it was not wise to deviate
from such a line of policy. His object was that all offices in India
should be effectively opened to Natives, and therefore he would not
require them to come over to this country for examination, as such
a condition would necessarily entail on Natives of India great ex-
pense, expose them to the risk of losing caste, and thereby operate
as a bar against their obtaining the advantages held out to all
other of her Majesty’s subjects. The course of education through
which the youth of India at present went at the established colleges
in that country afforded the most satisfactory proof of their effici-
ency for discharging the duties of office

“ This was not just or wise, and would infallibly lead to a
most dangerous agitation, by which in a few years that “ which
would now be accepted as a boon would be wrested from the Legis-
lature -as a right.” They had opened the commerce of India in
spite of the croakers of the day. “ Let them now open the posts
of government to the Natives, and they would have a more happy
and contented people.”

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 684.
July 22nd, 1853.

Lord Stanley : —

“ He could not refrain from expressing his conviction that, in
refusing to carry on examinations in India as well as in England —
a thing that was easily practicable — the Government were, in fact,
negativing that which they declared to be one of the principal
objects of their Bill, and confining the civil service, as heretofore,
to Englishmen. “ That result was unjust, and he believed it
would be most pernicious.” .

410

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 784.
July 25th, 1853.

Lord Stanley : —

“Let them suppose, for instance, that instead of holding those
examinations here in London, that they were to be held in
Calcutta. Well, how many Englishmen would go out there — or
how many would send out their sons, perhaps to spend two or
three years in the country on the chance of obtaining an appoint-
ment ! “ Nevertheless, that was exactly the course proposed to be
adopted towards the Natives of India.”

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 778.
July 25th, 1853.

Mr. Bright said —

“ That the motion now before the Committee involved the
question which had been raised before during these discussions,
but which had never been fairly met by the President of the Board
of Control, namely, whether the clause in the Act of 1833, Avhieh
had been so often alluded to, had not up to this time been alto-
gether a nullity. If any doubt had been entertained with respect
to the object of that clause, it would be removed by reference to
the answers given by the then President of the Board of Control
to the hon. member for Montrose and to the speech of the right
hon. gentleman the present member for Edinburgh (Mr.Macaulay),
in both of which it was distinctly declared that the object was to
breakdown the barriers which were supposed to exist to the ad-
mission of the Natives as well as Europeans to high offices in
India. And yet there was the best authority for saying that no-
thing whatever had been done in consequence of that clause. He
(Mr. Bright) did not know of a single case where a Native of India
had been admitted to any office since that time, more distinguished
or more highly paid than he would have been competent to fill had
that clause been not passed.”

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 787.

July 25th, 1853.

Mr. Moncton Milnes said : —

“ He thought the Bill was highly objectionable in this respect
that while it pretended to lay down the generous principle that no
condition of colour, creed or caste was to be vegarded as a dis-
qualification for office, it hampered the principle with such regula-
tions and modifications as would render it all but impossible for

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

411

the Natives to avail themselves of it. The Bill in this respect was
a delusion and would prove a source of chronic and permanent
discontent to the people of India.”

Hansard , Vol. 129, p. 788.
July 25 th, 1853.

Mr. J. G. Phillimore said : —

“ He also feared that the Bill would prove delusive, and that
although it professed to do justice to the Natives the “spirit of
monopoly would still blight the hopes and break the spirits of the
Indian people. While such a state of things continued India
would be attached to this country by no bond of affection,” but
would be retained by the power of the Army and the terror of the
sword. He implored of the Committee “ not to allow such an
Empire to be governed in the miserable spirit of monopoly and
exclusion.”

Will the present statesmen ever learn this truth ? Is
it a wonder that the British people are losing the affec-
tions of the Indian people ?

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 1,335.
August 5th, 1853.

Earl Granville : —

“ I for one, speaking individually, have never felt the slightest
alarm at Natives, well-qualified and fitted for public employments,
being employed in any branch of the public service of India.”

Thus began the second chapter of this melancholy his-
tory with the continuation of the same spirit of selfishness
which had characterised the previous twenty years, with
the clear knowledge of the gross injustice to the Indians
by not allowing them the same facility as was allowed to
English youths, by simultaneous examinations in India
and England. This injustice continued till the second
chapter ended in the Mutiny of 1857, and the rule passed
from the Company to the Crown.

The third chapter from that time began again with the
revival of great hopes — that, however unfortunate and

412

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

deplorable the Mutiny was, one great good sprang from
that evil. The conscience of the British people was
awakened to all previous injustice and dishonour brought
upon them by their servants, and to a sense of their own
duty. A new era opened, brighter, far brighter, than
even that of the Act of 1833.

Not only was the Act of 1833 allowed to continue a
living reality, at least in word, but in directing the mode
of future services the Act of 1858 left it comprehensively
open to adopt any plan demanded by justice. It did not
indicate in the slightest degree prevention or exclusion of
Indians from any service or from simultaneous examina-
tions in India and England, or of any mode of admission
of Indians into the Covenanted Civil Service, or of doing
equal justice to all her Majesty’s natural-born subjects.
I shall show further on the interpretation by the Civil
Service Commissioners themselves.

The sections of the. Act of 1858 are as follows : —

1. — 21-22 Vic., Cap. 106, “ An Act for the better government
of India ” ("2nd August, 1858). Section 32 provides that : —

“ With all convenient speed after the passing of this Act,
regulations shall be made by the Secretary of State in Council,
with the advice and assistance of the Commissioners for the time
being acting in execution of her Majesty’s Order in Council of
Twenty-first May , One thousand, eight hundred, and fifty-five,
4 for regulating the admission of persons to the Civil Service of
the Crown,’ for admitting all persons being natural-born subjects
of her Majesty (and of such age and qualification as may be
prescribed in this behalf) who may be desirous of becoming candi-
dates for appointment to the Civil Services of India to be ex-
amined as candidates accordingly, and for prescribing the branches
of knowledge in which such candidates shall be examined, and
generally for regulating and conducting such examinations under
the superintendence of the said last-mentioned Commissioners,
or of the persons for the time being entrusted with the carrying
out of such regulations as may be from time to time established
by her Majesty for examination, certificate, or other test of
fitness in relation to appointments to junior situations in the
Civil Services of the Crown, and the candidates who may be

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

41a

certified by the said Commissioners or other persons as aforesaid
to be entitled under such regulations shall be recommended for
appointment according to the order of their proficiency as shown
by such examinations, and such persons only as shall have been
so certified as aforesaid shall be appointed or admitted to the
Civil Services of India by the Secretary of State in Council r
Provided always, that all regulations to be made by the said
Secretary of State in Council under this Act shall be laid before
Parliament within fourteen days after the making thereof, if
Parliament be sitting, and, if Parliament be not sitting, then
within fourteen days after the next meeting thereof.”

2. — The same Act, Cap. 106, Sect. 34, provides : —

“ With all convenient speed after the commencement of this
Act, regulations shall be made for admitting any persons “being
natural-born subjects of her Majesty ” (and of such age and
qualifications as may be prescribed in this behalf) who may be
desirous of becoming candidates for cadetships in the Engineers
and in the Artillery, to be examined as candidates accordingly,
and for prescribing the branches of knowledge in which such
candidates shall be examined, and generally for regulating and
conducting such examinations.”

Though this Section does not impose any disability on
an Indian — for it provides for “ any persons being natural-
born subjects of her Majesty ” — yet an Indian is totally
excluded from such examination. As I have already
placed before the Commission my correspondence with
the War Office, I need not say more.

3. — Sections 35 and 36 provide : —

“Not less than one-tenth of the whole number of’persons to be
recommended in any year for military cadetships (other than
cadetships in the Engineers and Artillery) shall be selected
according to such regulations as the Secretary of State in Council
may from time to time make in this behalf from among the sons
of persons who have served in India in the military or civil
services of her Majesty, or of the East India Company.”

“Except as aforesaid, all persons to be recommended for
military cadetships shall be nominated by the Secretary of State
and Members of Council, so that out of seventeen nominations
the Secretary of State shall have two and each Member of
Council shall have one ; but no person so nominated shall be
recommended unless the nomination be approved of by the Secre-
tary of State in Council.”

414

DADABHAl NAOKOJl’S WRITINGS.

In these sections also there is no exclusion of Indians.

But the Sovereign and the people did not rest even by
such comprehensive enactment by Parliament. They
explicitly emphasised and removed any possible doubt
with regard to the free and equal treatment of all her
Majesty’s natural- horn subjects without any distinction of
race, colour, or creed.

Thus, on the 1st November, 1858, followed the great
and glorious Proclamation by the Sovereign on behalf of
the British people : our complete “great charter ” of our
national and political rights of British citizenship and of
perfect equality in all the services of the Sovereign — a
proclamation the like of which had never been proc-laimed
in the history of the world under similar circumstances.

Here are the special clauses of that Proclamation : —

“ We hold ourselves hound to the Natives of our Indian
territories by the “same obligations of duty which bind us to all
our other subjects, ” and those obligations, by the blessing of
Almighty God, we shall “faithfully and conscientiously” fulfil.”

“ And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our sub-
jects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially admitted
to offices in our service, the duties of which they may be qualified,
by their education, ability and integrity, duly to discharge.

“ In their prosperity will be our strength, in their content-
ment our security, and in their gratitude our best reward. And
may the God of all Power grant to us, and to those in authority
under us, strength to carry out these our wishes for the good of
our people.”

Such was the noblest Proclamation of 1858. What
more could we ask, and what bonds of gratitude and
affection, and what vast benefits to both countries, were
expected to tie us to the connexion with Britain by a loyal
and honourable fulfilment of it ?

Yes, I was in Bombay when this glad — I may almost
say divine — message to India was proclaimed there to a
surging crowd. What rejoicings, v/hat fireworks, illumina-

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

415

tions, and the roar of cannon ! What joy ran through
the length and breadth of India, of a second and firm
emancipation, of a new British political life, forgetting and
forgiving all the past evil and hoping for a better future !
What were the feelings of the people ! How deep loyalty
and faith in Britain was rekindled ! It was said over
and over again : Let this Proclamation be faithfully and
conscientiously fulfilled, and England may rest secure and
in strength upon the gratitude and contentment of the
people — as the Proclamation had closed its last words of
prayer.

Now, when I look back to-day to that day of joy, how
I feel how all this was doomed to disappointment, with the
addition of some even worse features, of dishonour, in-
justice, and selfishness. However, 1 must proceed with
the sad tale.

Not long after her Majesty’s Proclamation of 1858, a
Committee was appointed by the Secretary of State for
India of the following members of his own Council : Sir

J. P. Willoughby, Mr. Mangles, Mr. Arbuthnot, Mr.
Maonaghten, and Sir Erskine Perry, all Anglo-Indians.
This Committee made its report on 20bh January, 1860,
from which I give the following extracts on the subject
of the pledge of the Act of 1833 : —

“ 2. We are in the first place/ 4 unanimously ” of opinion that
it is not only just, but expedient, that the Natives of India shall
be employed in the administration of India to as large an extent
as possible consistently with the maintenance of British supre-
macy, and have considered whether any increased facilities can
be given in this direction.

44 3. It is true that, even at present, no positive disquali-
fication exists. By Act 3 and 4 Wm. IV, cap. 85, sec. 87, it
is enacted 4 that no Native of the said territories nor any natural-
born subject of his Majesty resident therein shall, by reason only
of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be
disabled from holding any place, office, or employment under the

416

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

said Company.’ It is obvious, therefore, that when the competitive
system was adopted, it could not have been intended to exclude
Natives of India from the Civil Service of India,

“ 4. Practically, however, they are excluded. The law
declares them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to a Native
leaving India and residing in England for a time, are so great,
that, as a general rule, it is almost impossible for a Native
successfully to compete at the periodical examinations held in
England. “Were this inequality removed, we should no longer
be exposed to the charge of keeping promise to the ear and
breaking it to the hope.”

“5. Two modes have been suggested by which the object in
view might be attained. The first is, by alloting a certain portion
of the total number of appointments declared in each year to be
competed for in India by Natives, and by all other natural-born
subjects of her Majesty resident in India. The second is to hold
simultaneously two examinations, one in England and one in
India, both being, as farus practicable, identical in their nature, and
those who compete in both countries being finally classified in
one list, according to merit, by the Civil Service Commissioners.
The Committee have “ no hesitation in giving the preference to
the second scheme,” as being the “ fairest,” and the most in accord-
ance with the principles of a general competition for a common
object.

“6. In order to aid them in carrying out a scheme of this
nature, the Committee have consulted the Civil Service Commis-
sion, and, through the favour of Sir Edward Ryan, they have ob-
tained a very able paper, in which the advantages and disadvantages
of either plan are fully and lucidly discussed. They would solicit
your careful consideration of this document, and will only, in con-
clusion, add that, in the event of either of the plans being adopted,
it will be requisite to provide for the second examination of suc-
cessful competitors in India, as nearly as possible resembling that
now required in England. The Civil Service Commissioners do not
anticipate much difficulty in arranging for this. The Committee,
however, are decidedly of opinion that the examination papers on
which the competition is to proceed in India and England should
be identical ; but they think, in justice to the Natives, that three
colloquial Oriental languages should be added to the three modern
European languages, so as to give the candidates the opportunity
of selection.”

I asked the India Office to give me a copy of the “ very
able paper” of the Civil Service Commission above referred
to. The India Office refused to give it to me. I was
allowed to see it in the India Office, and I then asked to

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 41 7

be allowed to take a copy of it myself there and then.
This even was refused to me. I ask this Commission that
this Report be obtained and be added here.

The above forms a part of the Report, the other part
being a consideration of the advantages and disadvantages
of an “ exclusive ” Covenanted Civil Service. With this
latter part I have nothing to do here. The first part quoted
above about the admission of Natives into the Covenanted
Civil Service was never as far as I know published.

It is a significant fact that the Report of the Public
Service Commission on the two subjects of the so-called
“ Statutory” Service and simultaneous examinations being
in accordance with (what I believe and will show further on)
the determined foregone conclusions of the Government of
India and the Secretary of State, was published and is
being repeatedly used by Government in favour of their
own proceedings, while the Report of 1860 of the
Committee of five Members of Council of the Secretary of
State for India was not only never published by Govern-
ment as far as I know, but even suppressed in the Return
made in 1879 on “ Civil Service ” (Return [C. 2376] 1879).
Even the Public Service Commission has not given, 1 think,
the Report of 1860.

No action was taken on this part of the Report of
1860. This Report was made thirty-seven years ago, and
even so early as then it was considered, and strongly
recommended, that simultaneous examinations was the
only way of redeeming the honour of England and of
doing justice to India. The Report was suppressed and
put aside, as it did not suit the views of the Secretary of
State for India, who himself had appointed the Committee.

27

418

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Thus, the new stage of the Proclamation of 1858,
with all the hopes and joy it had inspired, began so early
as 1860 to bs a. grievous disappointment and a dead letter,
just as dead as the Act of 1833,

The next stage in this sad story is again a revival of
hope and joy in a small instalment of justice by a partial
fulfilment of all the pledges of 1833 and 1858. This was
a bright spot in the dark history of this question, and the
name of Sir Stafford Nbrthcote will never be effaced from
our hearts.

Sad to say, it was to be again darkened with a dis-
appointment of a worse character than ever before. On
August 13th, 1867, the East India Association considered
the following memorial proposed by me, and adopted it, for
submission to Sir Stafford Northeote (Lord Iddesleigh), the
then Secretary of State for India : —

“ We, the members of the East India Association, beg respect-
fully to submit that the time has eome when it is desirable to ad-
mit the Natives of India to a larger share in the administration of
India than hitherto.

To you, Sir, it is quite unnecessary to point out the
justice, necessity, and importance of this step, as in the
debate in Parliament, on May 24th last, you have pointed
out this so emphatically and clearly that it is enough for us
to quote your own noble and statesmanlike sentiments. You
said : ‘ Nothing could be more wonderful than our Empire
in India; but we ought to consider on what conditions we hold it
and how our predecessors hold it. The greatness of the Mogul
Empire depended upon the liberal policy that was pursued by men
like Akbar availing themselves of Hindu talent and assistance and
indentifying themselves as far as possible with the people of
the country. He thought that they ought to take a lesson from
such a circumstance, and if they were to do their duty towards
India they could only discharge that duty by obtaining the assist-
ance and counsel of all who were great and good in that country.
It would be absurd in them to say that there was not a large fund
of statesmanship and ability in the Indian character’ ( Times of
May 25th, 1867).

“ With these friendly and just sentiments towards the people
of India we fully concur, and therefore instead of trespassing any

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

419

more upon your time, we beg to lay before you our views and
the best mode of accomplishing the object.

“We think that the competitive examination for a portion of
the appointments to the Indian Civil Service should be held in
India, under such rules and arrangements as you may think proper.
What portion of the appointments should be thus competed for in
India we cannot do better than leave to your own judgment.
After the selection is made in India, by the first examination, we
think it essential that the selected candidates be required to come
to England to pass their further examinations with the selected
candidates of this country.

u In the same spirit, and with kindred objects in view for the
general good of India, we would ask you to extend your kind en-
couragement to Native youths of promise and ability to come to
England for the completion of their education. We believe that if
scholarships tenable for five years in this country were to be annu-
ally awarded by competitive examination in India to Native candi-
dates between the ages of fifteen and seventeen, some would com-
pete successfully in England for the Indian Civil Service, while
others would return in various professions to India, and where by
degrees they would form an enlightened and unprejudiced class,
exercising a great and beneficial influence on Native society, and
constituting a link between the masses of the people and their
English rulers,*

In laying before you this memorial we feel assured, and we
trust that you will also agree with us, that this measure, which has
now become necessary by the advancement of education in India,
will promote and strengthen the loyalty of the Natives of India
to the British rule, while it will also be a satisfaction to the British
people to have thus by one more instance practically proved its
desire to advance the condition of their Indian fellow-subjects,
and to act justly by them.

u We need not point out to you, Sir, how great an encourage-
ment these examinations in India will be to education. The great
prizes of the appointment will naturally increase vastly the desire
for education among the people,”

A deputation waited on Sir Stafford Northcote on 21st
August, 1867, to present the petition. In the course of
the conversation, Colonel Sykes explained the objects; and
after some further conversation Sir Stafford. Northcote
said : —

“ He had the question under consideration, and had con-
versed with Sir Herbert Edwards and others on it, and Sir
Herbert had furnished him with a paper on it. Two plans were

* This clause was an addition proposed by Sir Herbert Edwards.

420

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

suggested— the one proposed that appointments should be assigned
for competition in India, the other that scholarships should be
given to enable Natives to come to finish their education in
England. The first would manifestly be the most convenient for
the Natives themselves ; but it was urged in favour of the second
that it would secure a more enterprising class than the first —
jnen with more backbone — and he admitted the force of that.
Moreover, he quite saw the advantage to India of a more efficient
class which had had an English training, lie took a very great
interest in the matter, and was inclined to approve both propo-
sals. He was corresponding with Sir J. Lawrence and the
Indian Government on the subject ” ( “ Journal of the East India
Association, ” Vo!. I., pp. 126-7).

In 1868, Sir Stafford Northcote, in paragraph 3 of his
despatch, Revenue No. 10, of 8th of February, 1868, said
as belovv : —

“ This is a step in the right direction, of which I cordially
approve, but it appears to me that there is room for carrying
out the principle to a considerable extent in the regulation
provinces also. The Legislature has determined that the
more important and responsible appointments in those pro-
vinces shall be administered exclusively by those who are now
admitted to the public service solely by competition ; but there
is a large class of appointments in the regulation as well as in
the non-regulation provinces, some of them scarcely less honour-
able and lucrative than those reserved by law for the Covenanted
Civil Service, to which Natives of India have certainly a prefer-
ential claim, but which, as you seem to admit, have up to this
time been too exclusively conferred upon Europeans. “ These
persons, however competent, not having entered the service by
the prescribed channel, can have no claim upon the patronage of
the Government, none, at least, that ought to be allowed to
override the inherent rights of the Natives of the country ; and
therefore, while all due consideration should be shown to well-
deserving incumbents, both as regards their present position and
their promotion, there can be no valid reason why the class of
appointments which they now hold should not be filled, in future,
by Natives of ability and high character.”

I only note this here as what Sir Stafford Northcote
had prescribed and instructed the Government of India
for the TJncovenanted Services, but which instructions
have also been made a dead letter as usual — 1 do not in
this statement discuss this branch of the subject, viz . , the

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

421

Uncovenanted Service, except for some short reference to
some subsequent grievous events. I content myself with
an expression of the Duke of Argyll on what Sir Erskine
Perry describes in his “ Memorandum ” addressed to Lord
Salisbury on 9th December, 1876, as “the vicious prac-
tice, supposed to be rapidly growing up in India, of
appointing Englishmen to all the well paid Dncovenanted
offices.” The Duke of Argyll in his despatch (10th
March, 1870, Financial) said : —

“ The principle which her Majesty’s Government steadily
kept in view throughout the discussion on these furlough rules is,
that the Un covenanted Service should be principally reserved for
the Natives of the country, and that superior appointments, which
require English training and experience, should be made as
heretofore in England. And they look with great disfavour on
the system which appears to be growing up in India of appointing
Englishmen in India to situations that ought only as a rule to be
filled by civilians by open competition.”

All suck instructions, as usual, are thwarted by what
Lora Lytton calls “ subterfuges ” and great ingenuity.

While Sir Stafford Northcote was considering, matur-
ing, and preparing to bring into action the petition of the
East India Association, Mr. Fawcett raised the subject in
the House of Commons. Referring to simultaneous ex-
aminations for the Covenanted Service, he said : —

Hansard, Vol. 191, pp. 1,839-40.
May 8 th, 1868.

“ There would be no difficulty in carrying out this plan

His proposal was that there should be examinations at Calcutta,
Madras and Bombay, that there should be the same papers and
the same tests as in London, and the successful candidates, whe-
ther English or Native, should spend two years in this country.
To this he had reason to believe, from memorials he had received
from Calcutta and Bombay, the Natives would not object, though
they naturally objected to coming over to England in the first in-
stance without any guarantee of success All they asked for

was to be subjected to precisely the same trial as the English.

422

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

.... With reference to their alleged inferiority of character he
had asked what would be the effect on English character if we,
having been subjected, were debarred from all but the meanest
offices of the State. Our civilisation and our literature would be
destroyed. Nothing would save us from debasement. It was an
indisputable fact that many Natives competent to govern a Pro-
vince were fulfilling the humblest duties at salaries less than was
received by the youngest member of the Indian Civil Service.
Lord Metcalf had well said that the bane of our system was that
the advantages were reaped by one class and the work was done

by another Sir Bartle Frere, in one of his despatches, said

he had been much struck with the fact that the ablest exponents
of English policy and our best coadjutors in adapting that policy
to the wants of the various nations occupying Indian soil were to
be found among the Natives who had received a high-class Eng-
lish education.”

Hansard , Vol. 191, p. 1843.
May 8 th, 1868.

Mr. Fawcett moved : —

“ That this House whilst cordially approving of the system of
open competition for appointments in the East India Civil Service,
is of opinion that the people of India have not a fair chance of
competing for these appointments, as long as the examinations are
held nowhere but in London ; this House would therefore deem it
desirable that simultaneously with the examination in London,
the same examination should be held in Calcutta, Bombay and
Madras.”

I may here remark that at this time and till 1876
the Report of the five Councillors of the India Office of
1860, which I have given before, was not known to any-
body outside, and Mr. Fawcett could nob have known any-
thing about it.

In the same speech from which a passage is extracted
in the Memorial of the East India x\ssociation, Sir Stafford
Northcote has said : —

“The English Government must necessarily labour under
great disadvantages, and c we should endeavour’ as far as possible
to develop the system of Native government, to bring out Native
talent and statesmanship, and to enlist in the cause of government
t ]1 that was great and good in them.”

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

423

The outcome of the petition of the East India Associa
tion, Mr. Fawcett’s motion, and Sir Stafford Northcote’s
favourable reception of the petition, was that Sir Stafford
Northcote introduced a clause in his Bill entitled “ the
Governor-General of India Bill ” to grant the first prayer
of the petition ; and the Governor-General, Lord Lawrence/
published a Resolution on 30th June, 1868, to grant the
second prayer of the Memorial, and some scholarships were
actually commenced to be given. But by a strange fatality
that pursues everything in the interests of the Indians,
the scholarships were soon abolished.

I do not enter into any details of this incident, as it
affects only in an indirect manner and to a very small ex-
tent the question I am considering, viz., the admission of
Indians in the Covenanted Civil Service.

I revert to the clause introduced by Sir Stafford North-
cote in 1868. As this clause will come further on in the
course of correspondence, I do not repeat it here.

This clause was subsequently passed in 1870, under
the Duke of Argyll as Secretary of State, who communi-
cated it to the Government of India by a despatch of 31st
March, 1870. The Government of India being dilatory,
as it is generally the misfortune of Indian interests, the
Duke of Argyll in his despatch of 18th April, 1872, remind-
ed the Government of India about the rules required by
the Act, as follows : —

“ Referring to the 6th section of 33rd Victoria, cap. 3, 1 desire
to be informed whether your Excellency in Council has prescribed
the rules which that Act contemplates for the regulation of the
admission of Natives to appointments “ in the Covenanted Civil
Service ” who have not been admitted to that service in accordance
with the provisions of the 32nd section of the 21st and 22nd Vic-
toria, cap. 106.”

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DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS.

The dilatoriness of the Government of India continu-
ing, the Duke of Argyll again reminded the Governor-
General of India in a despatch of 22nd October, 1872 : —

“ I have not received any subsequent communication from
your Excellency’s Government on the subject, and therefore con-
clude that nothing has been done, although I addressed your Gov-
ernment on the subject on 18th April last.”

These two reminders were not known to the public
until a Return was made in 1879 [0 — 2,376].

Three years passed after the enactment of the clause,
and the public not knowing of anything having been done,
the East India Association felt it necessary to complain to
the Duke of Argyll on the subject.

The following is the correspondence between the East
India Association and Mr. Grant Duff in 1873, giving his
Grace’s speech, and a brief account of the events from 1867
to 1873:—

“ East India Association,

“ 20, Great George Street, Westminster, London.

“ September, 1873.

To M. E. Grant Duff, Esq., M.P., Under- Secretary of State for
India , India, Office.

“ Sir, — B y the direction of the Council of the East India
Association, I have to request you to submit this letter for the
kind consideration of liis Grace the Secretary of State for India.

“ On the 21st August, 1867, this Association applied to
Sir Stafford Northcote, the then Secretary of State for India,
asking that the competitive examination for a portion of the
appointments to the Indian Civil Service should be held in
India, under such rules and arrangements as he might think
proper, and expressing an opinion that, after the selection had
been made in India by the first examination, it was essential that
the- selected candidates should be required to come to England
to pass their further examinations with the selected candidates
for this country.

“ Sir Stafford Northcote soon after introduced a clause in
the Bill he submitted to Parliament, entitled ‘ The Governor-
Gen eral of India Bill.’

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

425

“ The enactment of this Eill continued in abeyance, until,
under the auspices of his Grace the present Secretary of State,
it became law on the 25th March, 1870. as ‘ East India (Laws and
Regulations) Act.’ Moving the second reading of the Bill on the
11th March, 1869, his Grace, in commenting upon clause 6, in a
candid and generous manner made an unreserved acknowledg-
ment of past failures of promises, non-fulfilment to an adequate
extent, as follows

“ ‘ I now come to a clause— the 6th— which is one of very
great importance involving some modification in our practice, and
in the principles of our legislation “ as regards the Civil Service
in India.” Its object is to set free the hands of the Governor-
General, under such restrictions asid regulations as may be
agreed to by the Government at home, “ to select, for the Coven-
anted Service of India, Natives of that country ”, although they
may not have gone through the competitive examination in this
country. It may be asked how far this provision is consistent
with the measures adopted by Parliament for securing efficiency
in that service ; but there is a previous and, in my opinion, a
much more important question which 1 trust will be considered —
how far this provision is essential to enable us to perform our
duties and fulfil our pledges and professions towards the people
of India

“ 6 With regard, however, “ to the employment of Natives in
the government of their country in the Covenanted Service ”
formerly of the Company, and now of the Crown, I must say that
we have not fulfilled our duty, or the promises and engagements
which we have made.

“ ‘ In the Act of 1833 this declaration was solemnly put forth
by the Parliament of England : “ And be it enacted that no

Native of the said territories, nor any natural-born subject of
his Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of his religion,
place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from
holding anyplace, office, or employment under the said Company.”

“ ‘ Now, I well remember that in the debates in this House
in 1853, when the renewal of the Charter was under the consider-
ation of Lord Aberdeen’s Government, my late noble friend Lord
Monteagle complained, and I think with great force, that while
professing to open every office of profit and employment under
the Company or the Crown to the Natives of India, we practically
excluded them by laying down regulations as to fitness which we
knew Natives could never fulfil. If the only door of admission
to the Civil Service of India is a competitive examination carried
on in London, what chance or what possibility is there of Natives
of India acquiring that fair share in the administration of their
own country which their education and abilities would enable
them to fulfil, and therefore entitle them to possess ? I have

426

DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS.

always felt that the regulations laid down for the competitive
examinations rendered nugatory the declaration of the Act of
1833 ; and so strongly has this been felt of late years by the
Government of India that various suggestions have been made
to remedy the evil. One of the very last — which, however, has
not yet been finally sanctioned at home, and respecting which I
must sav there are serious doubts — has been suggested by Sir
John Lawrence, who is now about to approach our shores, and
who is certainly one of the most distinguished men who have
ever wielded the destinies of our Indian Empire. The palliative
which he proposes is that nine scholarships— nine scholarships
for a Government of upwards of 180,000,000 of people ! — should
be annually at the disposal for certain Natives, selected partly
by competition and partly with reference to their social rank and
position, and that these nine scholars should be sent home with a
salary of £200 a year each, to compete with the whole force of
the British population seeking admission through the competitive
examinations. Now, in the first place, I would point out the
utter inadequacy of the scheme to the ends of the case. To
speak of nine scholarships distributed over the whole of India
as any fulfilment of our pledges or obligations to the Natives
would be a farce. I will not go into details of the scheme, as
they are still under consideration ; but I think it is by no means
expedient to lay down as a principle that it is wholly useless to
require Natives seeking employment in our Civil Service to see
something of English society and manners. It is true that
in the new schools and colleges they pass most distin-
guished examinations, and as far as books can teach them,
are familiar with the history and constitution of this
country ; but there are some offices with regard to which it would
be a most important, if not an essential, qualification that the
young men appointed to them should have s*een something of the
actual working of the English constitution, and should have been
impressed by its working, as any one must be who resides for
any time in this great political society. Under any new regulations
which may be made under this clause, it will, therefore, be
expedient to provide that Natives appointed to certain places shall
have some personal knowledge of the working of English institu-
tions. I would, however, by no means make this a general condi-
tion, for there are many places in the Covenanted Service of
India for which Natives are perfectly competent, without the
necessity of visiting this country ; and I believe that by competitive
examinations conducted at Calcutta, or even by pure selection, it
will be quite possible for the Indian Government to secure able,
excellent, and efficient administrators.

“ The clause thus introduced, in a mariner worthy of an
English generous-minded nobleman, and passed into law, is as
follows : —

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

427

“ ‘ 6. Whereas it is expedient that additional facilities
should be given “ for the employment of Natives of India, of proved
merit and ability, in the Civil Service of her Majesty in India, ”
be it enacted that noting in the “ Act for the Government of India,”
twenty-one and twenty-two Victoria, chapter one hundred and
six, or in the “ Act to confirm certain appointments in India,
and to amend the law concerning the Civil Service there, ” twenty-
four and twenty-five Victoria, chapter fifty-four, or in any other
Act of Parliament, or other law now in force in India, shall
restrain the authorities in India by whom appointments are
or may be made to offices, places, and employments “ in the
Civil Service of her Majesty in India, ” from appointing any
Native of India to any such office, place, or employment al-
though such Native shall not have been admitted to the said
Civil Service of India in manner in section thirty-two of the
first-mentioned Act provided, but subject to such rules as may
be from time to time prescribed by the Governor-General in
Council, and sanctioned by the Secretary of State in Council,
with the concurrence of a majority of members present; and
that, for the purpose of this Act, the words “ Natives of India ”
shall include any person born and domiciled within the dominions
of her Majesty in India, of parents habitually resident in India,
and not established there for temporary purposes only ; and that
it shall be lawful for the Govern or- General in Council to define
and limit from time to time the qualification of Natives of India
thus expressed ; provided that every resolution made by him for
such purpose shall be subject to the sanction of the Secretary of
State in Council, and shall not have force until it has been laid
for thirty days before both Houses of Parliament.’

“ It is now more than three years since this clause has been
passed, but the Council regret to find that no steps have ap-
parently yet been taken by his Excellency the Viceroy to frame
the rules required by it, so that the Natives may obtain the due
fulfilment of the liberal promise made by his Grace.

“ The Natives complain that, had the enactment referred to
the interests of the English community, no such long and un-
reasonable delay would have taken place, but effect would have
been given to the Act as quickly as possible, “ and they further
express a fear that this promise may also be a dead-letter.'^

“ The Council, however, fully hope that further loss of time
will not be allowed to take place in promulgating the rules re-
quired by the A ct. The Natives, after the noble and generous
language used by his Grace, naturally expect that they will not
be again doomed to disappointment, and most anxiously look
forward to the promulgation of the rules — to give them, in some

^ To our misfortune and to the dishonour of the authorities*
it has been made a dead letter.

428

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

systematic manner, ‘ that fair share in the administration of their
own country which their education and abilities would enable
them to fulfil, and therefore entitle them to possess,’ not only as a
political justice, but also as a national necessity, for the advance-
ment of the material and moral condition of the country.

“ I remain, Sir, your obedient Servant,

“ W. C. Palmer, Capt.

“ Acting Honorary Secretary of the East India Association .”

“ India Office, London,
October 10 th, 1873.

" Sir, — I am directed by the Secretary of State for India in
Council to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 2nd
October, relative to the provisions of the 33rd Victoria cap. 3,
section 6 ; and to inform you that the subject is understood to be
under the consideration of the Government of India, the attention
of which has been twice called to it.

“ 2. The Duke of Argyll in Council will send a copy of your
letter to the Governmeut of India, and again request the early
attention of that authority to that subject.

“ I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,

“ (Sd.) M. E. Grant Duff.

“ The Acting Honorary Secretary,

East India Association .”

Such is the candid confession of non-performance of
duty and non-fulfilment of solemn pledges for thirty-six
years, and the renev/ed pledge to make amends for past
failures and provide adequate admission for the future for
at least some share in the administration of our own
country. The inadequacy is clearly shown by the ridicule
of nine scholarships for 180,000,000 souls, and the pro-
posal to adopt means for the abolition of the monopoly of
Europeans. When was this confession and this new pledge
made ? It was to pass the 6th clause of Act 33 Vic., cap.
3. The clause was passed on 25th March, 1870, one year

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

429

after the above speech was made, and nearly three years
after it was first proposed. Twice did Sir C. Wingfield
ask questions in the House of Commons, and no satisfactory
reply was given. At last the East India Association
addressed the letter which I have given above to the India
Office, and from the reply it will be seen how slow our
Indian authorities had been, so as to draw three reminders
from the Secretary of State.

With regard to the remark in the letter as to the com-
plaint of the Natives that, “ had the enactment referred to
the interests of the English community, no such long and
unreasonable delay would haA^e taken place,” I need simply
point to the fact of the manner in which the Coopers Hill
College was proposed and carried out promptly and with no
difficulty raised, as is always raised against Indian interests.

In 1879, the India Office made a Return [C — 2,376]
on the (“ Civil Service ”). In this Return, after the des-
patch of the Secretary of State tor India of 22nd October,
1872, no information is given till the Government of
India’s despatch of May 2nd, 1878.

In this Return, as I have said already, the Report of
the Committee of the five members of the Council of the
Secretary of State of 1860, recommending that simultaneous
examinations was the only fair way of redeeming the
honour of the British name and doing justice to the
Indians, was suppressed. There is a despatch of the
Government of India of 1874, which Sir E. Perry in bis
memorandum describes as follows : —

“Nearly two years afterwards (20th August, No. 31 of 1874)
the Government of India replied to this despatch, transmitting
rules, but noticing very jejunely the principal question raised by
his Grace. Rules were finally suggested for adoption by the Secre-
tary of State, those originally transmitted being deemed by him ,

430

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

under legal advice, to place too narrow a construction on the
statute ” (Public Despatch to India, No, 131 of 20th of August,
1874).

These documents also have no place in the Return.
Who knows what other inconvenient documents also may
have not appeared. This is always the difficulty in Indian
matters for Indian interests. The public can never know
the whole truth. The Government put forward only such
information as they like, and the public is left in the dark,
so as not to be in a position to judge rightly. The way of
the Indian authorities is first to ignore any Act or Resolu-
tion of Parliament or Report of any Committee or Com-
mission in favour of Indian interests. If that is not
enough, then to delay replies. If that does not answer,
then openly resist, and by their persistence carry their own
point unless a strong Secretary of State prevents it. But,
unfortunately, to expect a strong and just Secretary of
State on behalf of Indian interests is a rare good fortune of
India, because he changes so often and is mostly in the
hands of the Anglo-Indian members of his Council and
other Anglo-Indian officials of the India Office. If any
Committee or Commission really want to know the whole
truth, they must do what the Committee of 1772 did — to
have “ every ” document on the subject under consideration
to be produced before them. What an exposure that Com-
mittee of 1772 made of the most outrageous, most corrupt,
and most tyrannical misconduct of the Government and
officials of the day.

I may also mention that the despatch of the Duke of
Argyll (10 March, 1870, Financial), to which I have already
referred, has also not been given in the Return.

Of course, I am not surprised at these suppressions.
It is our fate, and the usual ways of a despotic regime.

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

431

But why I mention this is that the public are misled and
are unable to know the true state of a case in wich Indian
interests are involved ; the public cannot evolve these sup-
pressions from their inner consciousness.

And still the outside public and the non-official wit-
nesses are sometimes blamed for not supplying criticisms on
the statements made by the officials of Government !

Again, there is the despatch of Lord Salisbury of 10th
February, 1876, not given in the Return. Sir E. Perry,
referring to this despatch, says : —

“ Lord Salisbury decided the matter once for all in his despa* eh
of 10th February, 1876, Financial, in which he quoted the Duke
of Argyll’s despatch of 1870 (Supra), and after stating that he
concurred in the views thus expressed, he proceeded to lay down
precise rules by which the appointment of Englishmen in India to
the higher Uneovenanted offices should in future be restricted.”

Now, 1 cannot say whether all these suppressed docu-
ments were satisfactory or not, or whether they are pub-
lished in some other place; but when the India Office
omits such information in a Return on the subject itself,
what are we to do? And if we criticise upon imperfect
information, the authorities come down upon us denounc-
ing in all sorts of ways for our wrong statements, exag-
gerations, inaccuracies, and what not.

The next despatch that the Return gives is that of
the Government of India of 2nd May, 1878. It was in
connexion with this dispatch that Loid Lytton wrote a
note dated 30th May . In this note he had the courage to
expose the whole character of the conduct of Indian
authorities in both countries since the passing of the Act
of 1833, denouncing that conduct as consisting of deliber-
ate, transparent subterfuges, and dishonourable, as mak-
ing promises to the ear and breaking them to the

432

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

hope. Here are Lord Lytton’s own words, referring to
the Act of 1833 : —

“The Act of Parliament is so undefined, and indefinite obliga-
tions on the part of the Government of India towards its Native
subjects are so obviously dangerous, that no sooner was the Act
passed than the Government “ began to devise means for practi-
cally evading the fulfilment of it ” Under the terms of Act which
are studied and laid to heart by that increasing class of educated
Natives whose development the Government encourages, without
being able to satisfy the aspirations of its existing members, every
such Native if once admitted to Government employment in posts
previously reserved to the Covenanted Service is entitled to ex-
pect and claim appointment in the fair course of promotion to
the highest post in that service.

“We ail know that these claims and expectations never can
or will be fulfilled. We have had to choose between prohibiting
them and cheating them : and we have chosen the last straight-
forward course. The application to Natives of the competitive
examination system as conducted in England, and the recent
reduction in the age at which candidates can compete, are all
so many deliberate and transparent subterfuges for stultifying
the Act and reducing it to a dead letter. Since I am writing
confidentially I do not hesitate to say that both the Governments
of England and of India appear to me, up to the present moment,
unable to answer satisfactorily the charge of having taken every
means in their power of breaking to the heart the words of pro-
mise they had uttered to the ear.”

I admire the English candour and courage with which
this humiliating confession is made. But I protest that
so far as the people, the Parliament and the Sovereign are
concerned, it is an injustice to them to put the dishonour
and the disgrace of subterfuges to their charge. Ic is a
libel upon the statesmen of 1833, that they said so many
deliberate falsehoods intentionally when they contended
for the justification of the clause for equality in such
noble and generous and English spirit and terms. It is a
gross libel on the Sovereign and the people of this country
that the Proclamation of 1858, so solemnly promulgated,
calling God to witness and to help, was all hypocrisy, an
intentional mockery and delusion. I protest against this

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

433

assumption. The truth I believe to be is that the
Sovereign, the Parliament and the people of this country
sincerely meant what they said — but that their servants,
the executive authorities in both countries, uncon-
trollable and free to follow their own devices in their
original spirit of selfishness and oppression with which
they commenced their rule in India, frustrated the highest
and noblest desires of the Sovereign and the people by
“ deliberate and transparent subterfuges to attain their
own selfish ends ” — which on one occasion an Anglo-Indian
very naively confessed in these remarkable words. In a
debat at the Society of Arts, 19th February, 1892, upon
Siam, Sir Charles Crossthwaite said : —

“ The real question was who was to get the trade with them
and how we could make the most of them so as to find fresh
markets for our goods and “ also employment for those superfluous
articles of the present day,” our boys." So the whole reason of
the existence of the world is market for British capitalists and
employment for “ our boys"

In India, this greed for the monopolising of profits of
trade, and of the employment of “ our boys,” is the chief
key to the system of all the actions of an unsympathetic,
selfish rule as it is at present made by the executive author-
ities. Not that it need be so. A righteous system
can be adopted, as many a statesman has declared, by which
both England and India may be blessed and benefited, and
for which purpose the Indians have been crying all along
in the wilderness. Let the saddle of the present evil sys-
tem be on the right horse. The Sovereign, the Parlia-
ment and the people have done all that could be desired.
The only misfortune is that they do not see to their noble
wishes and orders being carried out, and leave their ser-
vants to “ bleed” India of all that is most dear and neces-
sary to the human existence and advancement-wealth
28

434

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

wisdom and work — material and moral prosperity. Re.
verting to Lord Lytton’s true confession, that the execu-
tives have “ cheated” and “ subterfuged,” frustrated and
dishonoured all Acts and Resolutions of Parliament and
the most solemn Proclamations of the Sovereign, one
would think that after such confessions some amends will
be made by a more honourable course. Far from it. This
despatch of 2nd May, 1878, will remain one of the darkest
sections in this sad story, instead of any contrition or re-
paration for the past evil.

What did the Government propose in this despatch ?
To destroy everything that is dearest to the Indian heart —
his two great Charters of 1833 and 1858, the Act of a
partial justice of 1870 — to murder in. cold blood the whole
political existence of equality of Indians as British citizens
which — at least by law, if not by deed or action of the
authorities — they possessed, and make them the pariahs
of the high public service.

Mark ! by the Act of 1870, the Indians were to have
a distinct proportion of appointments (which was fixed by
the Government of India to be about one-fifth, or about 7
every year) in the Covenanted Civil Service — which meant
that in the course of 25 to 30 years, the duration of the
service of each person, there would gradually be about 180
to 200 Indians admitted into the Covenanted Civil Service.
This was most a bitter pill for the Anglo-Indians, official
and non-official, to swallow. The Government resorted to
every subterfuge to ignore and with passive resistance to
make the Act a dead letter. This not succeeding, they de-
liberately proposed to throw aside all Acts, Resolutions,
and Proclamations — all pledges and laws of equality — and
to establish a “ close Native Civil Service that is to say

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

435

to deprive the Natives once and for ever of any claim to
the whole higher Covenanted Services, and by law be shut
up in a lazaretto of a miserable close service.

And what was to be this close service? Not even to
the extent to which the Act of 1870 led to the hope of the
share in the Covenanted Civil Service — but only to pro-
pose to assign certain fixed appointments now held by the
Covenanted Service, and to rob the Uncovenanted Service
of some of their appointments to cast them into this ser-
vice ; that is to say, in reality to make a “ pariah” service
of a small number of Covenanted Service employments —
about 90 or so (the Uncovenanted being already the
Indian’s own) — in place of what the Act of 1870 would
have entitled them, to the extent of 180 or more, and to
be eligible to the whole Covenanted Service employments ;
and what is still worse, and exhibits the inner spirit, that
even this miserable so-called “ close” service was not to be
entirely reserved for the Indians, but, as I understand,
a door is left open for Europeans also to get into it.
And still more, the Government of India so mercilessly
wanted to put the badge and stamp of inferiority
and exclusion upon the Indians at large and rob
them of their only consolation, their only hope and charter,
that they already possessed by law and by pledges,
of equality of British citizenship with the British subjects
of this country. But there is something still worse : the
Government, cooly proposed not only not to give them
simultaneous examinations in India, but to deprive them
even of the right they now possess of competing for the
Covenanted Service in this country itself.

Were the Government of India gone mad ? The
Government of India, said, in cold blood, that ‘‘the

436

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

ordinary Covenanted Civil Service should no longer be
open to Natives thus proposing insidiously that the Acts
of 1833 and 1870 and the Proclamation should be thrown
to the winds. So these Acts and the Proclamations of the
Sovereign upon which hangs all our devoted loyalty, all
our hopes and aspirations (though in all conscience most
mercilessly disregarded) all that is at all good and great in
the British name in India, all that is to be swept away by
a new un-British and tyrannical legislation ! The whole
despatch is so distressful, so full of false blandishments,
that I cannot venture to say anything more about it. The
wonder is that on the one hand Lord Lytton exposes the
“ subterfuges ” and dishonour of the Executive, and him-
self and his colleagues sign such a despatch of 2nd May,
1878, And what is still more curious is this ; about
seventeen months before this despatch, on 1st January,
1877, at the Delhi Assemblage, on the assumption of the
title of Empress of India, Lord Lytton on behalf of her
Majesty said : —

“ But you the Natives of India, whatever your race
and whatever your creed, have a recognised claim to share
largely with your English fellow-subjects according to
your capacity for the task, in the administry of the country
you inhabit. This claim is founded on the highest justice.
It has been repeatedly affirmed by British and Indian
statesmen and by the legislation of the Imperial Parlia-
ment. It is recognised by the Government of India as
binding on its honour and consistent with all the aims of
its policy and all such “ highest justice ” and all this
“ binding on honour ” ended in this extraordinary despatch
of 2nd May, 1878 ! It is the most dismal page in the whole
melancholy affair about the Covenanted Service.

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 437

But the further misfortune is that since the despatch
of 2nd May, 1878, the whole heart and soul of the Govern-
ment is directed in the spirit of the despatch, and though
they have not attempted to alter legislation, they have by
persistence and devices most ingeniously carried out their
own object, and made the Acts of 1833 and 1870, and the
great Proclamations, mere shams and delusions. With
trumpet tongues they have proclaimed to the world that
the miserable “ close service ” was an extraordinary and
generous concession, when in reality we are plundered of
what we already possessed by the Act cf 1870, and our
political position is reduced to the condition of political
pariahs.

I do not enter here into a discussion of the un-English
and subtle procedure by which we are deprived of the so-
called “ statutory service,” which had secured for us no
less than a complete and free admission into the whole
Covenanted Civil Service, to the number which had been
at the time considered for a beginning as a fair proportion
of about one-sixth or one-fifth of the total number of this
service.

There is one other important reason why I do not
pursue any more the criticisms upon this despatch. The
Secretary of State himself found it impossible to swallow
it, summarily disposed of its fallacies, hollowness, brushed
it aside, and insisted upon carrying out the Act of 1870.

Now before going further, I have to request the Com-
mission to bear in mind that the Government of India had,
by this despatch, most earnestly and laboriously committed
themselves to a “ close Native service,*’ and it will be seen
that they bided their time and left no stone unturned, by
any means whatever, to attain ultimately their object.

438

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

As I have said above, Lord Cranbrook, the then
Secretary of State, would not swallow the preposterous
despatch, and put down his foot against such openly violat-
ing all honourable and solemn pledges of the Sovereign
and Acts of Parliament.

Lord Cranbrook in his despatch of 7th November^
1878, said in reply : —

“ 6. But your proposal of a close Native service with a limited
class of high appointments attached to it, and your suggestions
that the Covenanted Civil Service should no longer be open to
Natives, involve an application to Parliament which would have no
prospect of success, and which I certainly would not undertake.
Your lordship has yourself observed that no scheme would have a
chance of sanction which included legislation for the purpose of
repealing the clause in the Act of 1833 above quoted, and the
obstacles which would be presented against any attempt to exclude
Natives from public competition for the Civil Service would be
little less formidable.

“ 10. It is, therefore, quite competent to your lordship’s
Government to appoint every year to the Civil Service of India
any such number of Natives as may be determined upon, and the
number of Covenanted civilians sent out from this country will
have to be proportionately decreased. The appointments should,
in the first instance, be only probationary, so as to give ample
time for testing the merit and ability of the candidates.

“ 11. It appears to me that the advantages of such a simple
scheme will be obvious: —

“(i) It will undoubtedly be much more popular with the
Natives, as it will place them on a footing of social equality with
the Covenanted civilian.

“ (ii) Inasmuch as it will exclude no civilian at present in
India from any office which he has a moral claim to expect, it will
avoid any clashing with the vested interests of the Civil Service.

“ (iii) It will avoid the necessity of any enhancement of salar-
ies of Uncovenanted officers which is now proposed, not because
such enhancement is necessary, but from the necessity of creating
a class of well-paid appointments to form sufficient prizes for a
close Native service.

“ And lastly, it pursues the same system of official training
which has proved so eminently successful in India.”

Thus foiled in the monstrous attempt to inflict upon
tbe Indians the most serious political disaster, the Govern-

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

43 9>

ment of India whined and lay low to wait their opportun-
ity, and as compelled, and with bad grace, made the re-
quired rules one year after the despatch of 2nd May, 1878.

With their despatch of 1st May, 1879, the Govern-
ment of India sent the rules, and explained in para. 8 of
the despatch the proportion of Indians they proposed to
select :

“ The proposed statutory rules, in brief, provide that a pro-
portion not exceeding one-sixth of all the recruits added to the
Civil Service in any one year shall be Natives selected in India by
the local Governments.”

I give here the rules proposed :

“No. 18.

“Rules for the Appointment of Natives of India to offices

ordinarily held by members of her Majesty’s Covenanted Civil

Service in India.

“ In exercise of the power conferred by the Statute 33 Viet.,
cap. 3, section 6, the Governor-General in Council has been pleased
to make the following rules, which have been sanctioned by the
Secretary of State in Council with the concurrence of a majority
of members present : —

“1. — Each Local Government may nominate persons who are
Natives of India within the meaning of the said Act, for employ-
ment in her Majesty’s Covenanted Civil Service in India within
the territories subordinate to such Government. Such nominations
shall be made not later than the first day of October in each year.
No person shall be nominated for employment in the said service
after he has attained the age of twenty-five years, except on
grounds of merit and ability proved in the service of Government,
or in the practice of a profession.

“ II. — Nominations under the foregoing rule shall, if approved
by the Governor-General in Council, be provisionally sanctioned
by him. The total number of nominations so sanctioned in any
year shall not exceed one-fifth of the total number of recruits
appointed by her Majesty’s Secretary of State to the said service
in such year ; provided that the total number of such nominations
sanctioned in each of the year 1879, 1880, and 1881 may exceed
the said proportion by two. On sanction being given by the
Governor-General in Council, the nominee shall be admitted on
probation to employment in the said service ; such admission may
be confirmed by the Governor-General in Council but shall not
be so confirmed until the Local Government have reported to the
Governor-General in Council that the probationer has acquitted

440

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

himself satisfactorily during a period of not less than two years
from the date of his admission, and that he has, unless specially
exempted by the Governor-General in Council, passed such ex-
aminations as may from time to time be prescribed by the
Local Government subject to the approval of the Governor-
General in Council. In case of persons admitted under
these rules after they have attained the age of twenty-five years,
the Governor-General in Council may confirm their admission
without requiring them to serve for any period of probation.

“ III. — Persons admitted under these rules to employment in
the said service shall not, without the previous sanction of the
Governor-General in Council in each ease, be appointed to any
of the undermentioned offices, namely : —

“ Members of a Board of Revenue.

“ Secretaries to the several Governments and Administrations
in India.

“ Chief Magisterial, or Chief Revenue, Officers of Districts.

“Commissioners of Division, or of Revenue.

“ IV. — Persons admitted under these rules to employment in
the said service shall ordinarily be appointed only to offices in the
province wherein they were first admitted. But the Governor-
General in Council may transfer from one province to another a
person finally admitted to employment in the said service.

“ V. — Any person admitted under these rules may, with the
previous sanction of the Governor-General in Council, be de-
clared by the Local Government to be disqualified for further
employment in the said service.”

Two comments suggest themselves with regard to these
rules — when read with the light that the Government of
India’s whole heart was in the “close Native service” —
and that, therefore, to carry out loyally the Act of 1870
was naturally against their grain.

At the very beginning they began to nibble at the
Statute of 1870 and proposed in Rule I IT. not to put
Natives on the same footing with Europeans with regard
to all high offices. On this unworthy device I need not
comment, as the Secretary of State himself struck out this
Rule III. without much ceremony.

Now, whether intentionally or unintentionally, the
rules had been so framed that had the Government of
India sat down to devise the most effective means of bring-

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

441

ing discredit and failure on the service under the Act of
1870, they could not have done better or worse than these
rules. These Indian civilians were to be the colleagues
of and to do the duties with the best educated and severely
tested (educationally, physically, and morally) English
youths. Particular care was taken not to prescribe any
systematic compulsory rules for such high test and for
obtaining recruits worthy of being included in such a
highly trained service as the Convenanted Civil Service, of
which these Indians were to be an integral part and in
which service they were to be exactly on the same footing
as English civilians. This was the crux and spirit of the
whole matter ; the rules simply made the matter one of
patronage and back-door influence. It needs no stretch of
the imagination to see that such a course could lead only
to one result, as it has always done, viz., failure. It was
absurd to expect that such Indian civilians sould prove as
successful and efficient as the English civilians so well
prepared. This was the first covert blow given by the
Government of India at the very birth of the operation of
the Act of 1870, and unfortunately Lord Cranbrook did
not see this ingenious device.

The Commission can hardly realise the intensity of
the gratitude of the Indians to Sir Stafford Northcote for
proposing, and the Duke of Argyll for passing, the clause
in the Act of 1870, and not less intense was their gratitude
to Lord Cranbrook and to Sir Erskine Perry who co-
operated with him, for the determination with which Lord
Cranbrook overcame all strenuous opposition and the
blandishments of the Government of India of their own
good-will and justice to the Indians ; and he compelled
that Government to give effect to the Act of 1870.

442

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

The clause was at last given effect to, though with
great reluctance and under compulsion, after ten long
years. This is generally the case. For all Indian interests
the officials always require long and most careful and most
mature consideration, till by lapse of time the question
dies. Under Lord Cranbrook this clause had better
fortune, but only to end in utter and more bitter dis-
appointment to the Indians, and to add one more dishonour
to the British name. The first appointments under the
clause, though after a delay of ten years, again infused a
new life of loyalty and hope in the justice of the British
people, throughout the length and breadth of India. It
was a small instalment, but it was a practical instalment,
and the first instalment of actual justice. And it was
enough, for an ever disappointed and unjustly treated
people, to rejoice, and more so for the future hope of
more justice and of righteous rule, little foreseeing to
what bitter disappointment they were to be doomed in
the course of the next ten years ! The first appointments
were made under the rules in 1880. Now, we come to the
next melancholy stage.

The immediate development of the compulsion on the
Government of India to carry out the clause of 1870 —
coupled with the fear of the possible effect of the despatch
of Sir Stafford Northcote of 8th February, 1868, to res-
trict employment of Europeans to those only who pass the
examination here, and to insist upon the inherent rights
of the Indians to all appointments — was to produce a
sullenness of feeling and great vexation among the Anglo-
Indian body generally (with, of course, honourable and
noble exceptions).

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

44a

I do not enter, as I have already said, upon the latter
question of the Uncovenanted Service. I mention it here
simply because it added to the anger of the Anglo-Indians
against the noble policy of men like Sir Stafford Northcote*
I confine myself to the said story about the admission of
Indians in the Covenanted Civil Service.

Well, the so-called “ statutory ” service was launched
in 1880. It was called by a distinctive name “ statutory’ r
as if the whole Covenanted Service was not also a “ sta-
tutory ” service, and as if the clause of 1870 was not
simply for full admission into the whole Covenanted Ser-
vices. But what is in a name ? The Government of India
knew the value of creating and giving a distinct name to
the service so that they may with greater ease kill it aa
a separate service ; and at last, kill it they did. The
Anglo-Indians, official and non-official, were full charged
with sullenness and anger, and with the spark of the
“ Ilbert Bill ” the conflagration burst out.

Here I may point out how shrewdly Lord Salisbury,
while fully approving the clause of 1870, had prophesied
the coming storm. On the debate on the clause in 1870*
Lord Salisbury had said : —

“ Another most important matter is the admission of Natives
to employments under the Government of India. I think the plan
of the noble duke contained in this Bill is, I believe, the most
satisfactory solution of a very difficult question.”

And after so fully accepting the clause, he said : —

“ One of the most serious dangers you have to guard against
is the possibility of jealousy arising from the introduction of
Natives into the service.”

Owing to this jealousy ten years elapsed before any
action was taken on the Act of 1870, and that even under
compulsion b} r Lord Cranbrook. Before three years after
this effect was given to the clause, Lord Salisbury’s pro-

444

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

phecy was fulfilled. Explosion burst out over the Ilbert
Bill.

I cannot enter here into the various phases of the
excitement on that occasion, the bitter war that raged for
some time against Indian interests. I content myself with
some extracts from the expression of Lord Hartington
(the Duke of Devonshire) upon the subject. It clearly
proves the action of the jealousy of the Anglo-Indians.
Lord Hartington said (speech, House of Commons, August
23, 1883)

“ It may by some be thought sufficient to say, that the Anglo-
Indian, whatever may be his merits, and no doubt they are great,
is not a person who is distinguished by an exceptionally calm
judgment.”

Hansard, Vol. 283, p. 1818.

August 23rd 1883.

“ I could quote passages in letters in the Indian papers in
which it is admitted that the agitation was directed against the
policy of the Home Government in providing appointments for
Native civilians while there are many Europeans without appoint-
ments I believe that the cause of the prevalent ex-

citement is to be found, not in this measure, but in the general
course of policy that has been pursued both by this Government
and the late Government. It has been the policy of Governments
for some years past to impress upon the Government of India
the desirability of obtaining the assistance of the Native popu-
lation as far as possible in the government of that country. Over
and over again that policy has been inculcated from home. In
1879, a resolution was passed which limited appointments of the
value of Rs. 200 a month to officers of the army and to Natives.
That restriction has been rigidly enforced, and has met with “ all
kinds of opposition from non-official classes of Europeans, who
think that all the appointments must be reserved for them.” The
same spirit was shown when it was determined that ad-
mission to the Engineering College at Roorki should be con-
fined to Natives Agitation of the same character

has been seen before when there was just as little founda-
tion for it. Lord Macaulay. Lord Canning, and other Anglo-
Indian statesmen experienced the same kind of opposition from
Anglo-Indians ; but all these reproaches have recoiled, not against
the statesmen with regard to whom they were uttered, but against

the persons uttering them themselves

“There is a further reason, in my opinion, why this policy should
be adopted, and that is that it is not wise to educate the people ot

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

445

India, to introduce among them your civilisation and your pro-
gress and your literature, and at the same time to tell them they
shall never have any chance of taking any part or share in the
administration of the affairs of their country, except by their get-
ting rid, in the first instance, of their European rulers. Surely, it

would not be wise to tell a patriotic Native of India that

“ Whether difference of opinion there may be, there can, in
my opinion, be very little doubt that India is insufficiently govern-
ed at the present time. I believe there are many districts in India
in which the number of officials is altogether insufficient, and that
is owing to the fact that the Indian revenue would not bear the
strain if a sufficient number of Europeans were appointed. The
Government of India cannot afford to spend more than they do in
the administration of the country, “ and if the country is to be
better governed that can only be done by the employment of the
best and most intelligent of the Natives in the service.”

It was on this occasion that Lord Salisbury made the
confession that all the pledges, proclamations, and Acts to
which Lord Northbrook bad referred was all “ political
hypocrisy.” The reasons which Lord Salisbury assigned
were not accurate, but I cannot strike off into a new con-
troversy now. It is enough for me to say that, as I have
already said, I protest against placing this “ hypocrisy ” at
the door of the people, Parliament, and Sovereign of this
country. It lies on the head of the servants, the executives
in both countries. It is they who would ruin the Empire
by their “ hypocrisy ” and selfishness.

At last, however, the agitation of the Ilbert Bill sub-
sided. The eruption of the volcano of the Anglo-Indian
hearts stopped, but the anger and vexation continued
boiling within as the cause of the explosion still remained.
And the Government of India were biding their time to
carry out that most un-English scheme of the despatch of
2nd May, 1879, to create a pariah lazaretto to consign
these pariah thereto.

Owing to the persistence of Lord Cranbrook the
appointments under the Act of 1870 had begun in 1880,
and continued to be made, i.e about six or seven Indians

446

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

continued to be admitted in the Covenanted Civil Service.
The main cause of the explosion having continued, and the
Government of India having set its heart upon its own
scheme, a new departure and development now arose. The
question at the bottom was how to knock the “ statutory
service ” on the head, and put down effectively the cry
for simultaneous examinations. The explosion under the
excuse of the Ilbert Bill did not effect that object, and so,
according to Lord Lytton’s confession of the general
conduct of the Executive, something also should be done.

We now enter upon the next stage of this sad story.
I shall place some facts and any fair-minded Englishman
will be able to draw his own conclusions. Before I do so
certain perliminary explanation is necessary.

In India, when the authorities are decided upon cer-
tain views which are not likely to be readily accepted by
the public, a Commission or Committee comes into existence.
The members are mostly officials or ex-officials — English or
Indians. Some non-officials, English or Indians or both,
are sometimes thrown in, selected by the Government itself.
It is a well understood thing that in all matters officials
are bound always to take and support the Government
views. The ex-officials are understood to be bound by
gratitude to do the same. If anyone takes an independent
line, either in a Commission or Committee, or in his own
official capacity, and displeases the Government, I cannot
undertake to say with instances what happens.

Perhaps, some Anglo-Indians themselves may feel the
sense of duty to supply some instances from their own
experience. Almost by accident an instance has just come
back before me in the Champion , of Bombay, and
which gives the incident almost in the author’s

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

447

(Mr. Robert H. Elliot) words: “Mr. Geddes came

before the Finance Committee (1871-74), and that
the members thought it well worth examining him
is evidenced by the fact that he was examined
at very great length. Here was a chance for Duff: he
thought he would do a very clever thing, and as Mr.
Geddes had introduced into his financial pamphlet some
views of rather a novel description, and had, besides,
made use of some rather out-of-the-way illustrations, this
gave a good opportunity for putting questions in such
a. way as was calculated to cast ridicule on Mr. Geddes,
and depreciate the value of the important points he had
brought out. But this was far from being all. It was
intimated pretty plainly to Mr. Geddes that his opinions
ought to be in harmony with the Government he served,
and here Mr. Geddes said that he certainly ought to be in
harmony with the Government if there was any spirit of
harmony in it. Mr. Geddes was clearly not to be put down,
and Duff thought he would try something more severe.

4 You hold an appointment in the Government, do you
not ? ’ 4 Yes, ’ said Mr. Geddes. 4 And do you expect to
return to that post ? ’ asked Duff. 4 Yow, my dear John,’
continues the author, 4 you will not find that question
in the report, for the simple reason that it was ordered
to be expunged.” Would some Anglo-Indian kindly give
us some information of what afterwards became of Mr.
Geddes? I would not trouble the Commission with my own
treatment before the same Committee, which was anything
but fair, because, like Mr. Geddes, I had something novel
to say. I would only add that an important and pointed
evidence of Lord Lawrence, on the wretchedness and ex-
treme poverty of India, was also suppressed in the Report

448

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

The officials have therefore to bear in mind to be in
harmony with Government or think of their posts — and
I suppose the ex-officials have also to bear in mind that
there is such a thing as pension.

Here is one more instance. When Mr. Hyndman
published his “ Bankruptcy of India,” Mr. Caird at
once wrote to the Times contradicting him. The India
Office soon after sent him to preside over the Famine
Commission. He, though at first much prejudiced by
Anglo-Indian views, and going to bless the Government,
returned cursing. He made a report on the condition of
India, and that being contrary to official views, 0 ! how
Government laboured to discredit him !

Lastly, Commissions or Committees report what they
like. If they are in the expected harmony with Govern-
ment, all is well. But anything which Government doe&
not want or is contrary to its views is brushed aside.
Reports of Commissions must be in harmony with the
views of the Government. If not, so much the worse for
the Commissioners ; and this is what has actually happen-
ed with the Public Service Commission, which I am now
going to touch upon as the next stage in this sad history
of the fate of Indians for services in their own country.

When I came here in 1886, 1 paid a visit to Lord
Kimberley, the Secretary of State for India. I had been
favoured with more than an hour’s conversation, mainly
on the two topics of “ statutory service” and simultaneous
examinations, and 1 found him a determined , decided
opponent to both, and completely, to our misfortune,
saturated with Anglo-Indian views — not seeming to
realise at all the Indian side. He urged to me all the
Anglo-Indian stock arguments, and I saw what he was

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

449

really aiming at — the very thing which Lord Cranbrook
had summarily rejected — the scheme of the Government
of India of the despatch of 2nd May, 1878, the close
service.

From that interview I saw clearly what the “ Public
Service Commission ” was for — that the abolition of the
“ statutory ” service, the suppression of the cry for simul-
taneous examinations, and the adoption of the scheme of
2nd May, 1878, were determined, foregone conclusions.

Soon after my conversation with Lord Kimberley, I
happened to be on the same boat with Sir Charles Turner
on my way to Bombay. Sir Charles Turner was going
out by appointment by Lord Kimberley to join the Public
Service Commission. I at once prepared a short memoran-
dum, and gave it to him. Afterwards, in* the course of
the conversation, he told me that he had certain instruc-
tions from Lord Kimberley. Sir Charles Turner, of course,
could not tell me, whatever they may have been. But I
could not help forming my own conclusions from what I
had myself learnt from Lord Kimberley himself in my
conversation with him. Sir Charles Aitchison was the
President of the Commission, and he, as Lieutenant-Gover-
nor of the Punjab, made a representation to the Commis-
sion, in which he expressed his clear opposition to the
simultaneous examinations. About the “ statutory ”
service he had already most strongly objected to, two
years before the appointment of the Commission,
in a very inaccurate and hasty argument and on very
imperfect information. In a country like India,
governed under a despotism, where, under present circum-
stances, service under and favour of Government is to
many the all in all, what effect must the declaration of the
29

450

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

head of the province, and the well-known decided views
of the Government itself, produce upon the invited wit-
nesses — not only official, but non-official also — can hardly
he realised by Englishmen, who have their government in
their own hands.

The third important member’s — Sir Charles Crossth-
waite — view, as I have already indicated, seemed the
anxiety about “ our boys.”

There were among the members of the Commission — •

8 European officials.

1 Indian official.

3 Indian ex-officials.

1 Non-official European, the General Secretary
of the Behar Indigo Planters’ Association.
It would be worth while to know what share
the planters had taken in the llbert Bill
agitation.

1 Eurasian.

2 Indian non-officials, one of whom, I think,

never attended the Commission till it met
for Report,

Mr. Kazi Shahabu-din, before he joined the Comis-
sion, distinctly told me that he was dead against both
questions, “ statutory ” and simultaneous. It was all very
good, he said to me, to talk of eternal principles and jus-
tice and all that, but he was determined not to allow the
Hindus to advance. The views of Sir Syad Ahmad Khan
were no secret as being against simultaneous examinations
and statutory service. I am informed that Mr. Nuhlkar
and Mr. Mudliar were sorry for their action in joining
in the Report, and Mr. Romesh Chandra Mitra has, I
think, expressed some repudiation of his connexion with

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

451

the Report of the Commission. The Raja of Bhinga only
joined the Commission at the Report.

Our misfortune was, as I saw at that time, the three
Hindu members did not. I think, fully realise how a death-
* blow was being struck at the future political and adminis-
trative advance and aspirations of the Indians ; and how,
by an insidious and subtle stroke all pledges and Acts of
Parliament, and Proclamations — the very breath of our
political life — the hope and anchor of our aspirations and
advance were being undermined and swept away. I have
also already pointed out the determination of the Govern-
ment of India since their letter of 2nd May, 1878, not
only to stop further advance, but even to take away wbat
they, the Indians, already had.

I was a witness before this Commission. I fully ex-
pected that as I was considered one of the chief complain-
ants in these matters, I would be severely examined and
turned inside out. But the Commission, to my surprise,
carried on with me more of an academical debate than a
serious practical examination, and seemed wishful to get
rid of me quickly, so much so, that I was forced to request
that a Memorandum which I had placed before them
should be added to my evidence on several points.

I may here explain that simultaneous examinations
was by far the most important matter, and, if granted,
would have dispensed with the necessity of the “ statu-
tory ” service. The chief fight was for simultaneous
examinations.

First, as far as the “ statutory ” service is concerned,
here is the extraordinary result. In the instructions, the
object of the Commission was stated, “ broadly speaking,”
“to devise a schema which miy rexsombly b) hoped to

452

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

possess the necessary elements of finality , and to do full
justice to the claims of the Natives of India to higher and
•more extensive employment in the public service ” ; and in
this the Governor-General in Council fully and cordially
agreed .

This was the promise, and what is the performance?
The admission of one-sixth Indians into the Covenanted
Service we already possessed by law — and in operation.
We were already eligible to all Uncovenanted Services.
Full justice, and still higher and more extensive employ-
ment were promised — and what did we actually get? We
were deprived of what we already by law (of 1870) possess-
ed ; and instead of giving us “full justice” it deprived us
of all our hopes and aspirations to be admitted to an
equality of employment with British officials ; and we were
coolly, mercilessly, despotically, and illegally consigned to
a small pariah service, open to Europeans also — which had 1
been already schemed and firmly determined upon ten years
before in the despatch of 2nd May, 1878 — in utter and
dishonourable violation of the Acts of 1833 and 1870, and
three gracious Proclamations. This is the way in which
the Public Service Commission has carried out its object to
devise a scheme to possess elements of finality and to do
full justice to the claims of the Natives to higher and more
extensive employment in the public service.

Now, with regard to simultaneous examinations, the
conduct of the Public Service Commission seems to be still
more extraordinary. Why they actually reported as far
as I can see, in opposition to the weight of evidence, I
cannot understand. Mr. William Digby has analysed the
evidence in a letter to Lord Cross, of 8th May, 1889, and
I append that part of his letter. I asked the Secretary of

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

453

State to inform me whether Mr. Digby’s analysis was cor-
rect or not, but the information was not given me.

There is again a curious coincidence between the
action of Lord Lytton and Lord Dufferin which I may
intervene here.

Of Lord Lytton I have already mentioned about the
contrast between his speech at the Delhi Durbar in Janu-
ary, 1S77, and his action in the despatch of 2nd May, 1878.

On 4th October, 1886, was started the Public Service
Commission, and in the beginning of the very next year,
1887, on the occasion of the Jubilee, Lord Dufferin said
in his Jubilee speech : —

“ Wide and broad, indeed, are the new fields in which the
Government of India is called upon to labour, but no longer as
aforetime need it labour alone. Within the period we are review-
ing, education has done its work, and we are surrounded on all
sides, by Native gentlemen of great attainments and intelligence,
from whose hearty, loyal, and honest co-operation we may hope
to derive the greatest benefit. In fact, to an administration so pe-
culiarly situated as ours, “their advice, assistance, and solidarity
are essential to the successful exercise of its functions.” Nor do I
regard with any other feelings than those of approval and good-
will their natural ambition to be more extensively associated with
their English rulers in the administration of their own domestic
affairs,”

At the same time the Empress of India thus empha-
sises her great Proclamation of 1858 : —

“ It had always been, and will always be, her earnest desire to
maintain unswervingly the principles laid down in the Proclama-
tion published on her assumption of the direct control of the Gov-
ernment of India.”

And these two declarations of hope and justice came
to what end ? Within two years, as I have already said,
Lord Cross, with a ruthless hand, snatched away from us
the small instalment of justice which Sir S. Northcote had
dene to us, consigned us to a small “ pariah service,” and
destroyed virtually all our charters and aspirations.

454

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

I now come to the last dark section of this sad chap-
ter, which also shows that, to our misfortune, we have had
nothing but bitter disappointments — since 1833 — nothing
but “ subterfuges” and “ political hypocrisy” up to the
present day.

Propose anything for the benefit of Europeans and it
is done at once. The Royal Engineering College at
Coopers Hill and the Exchange Compensation Allowance-
are two notorious instances, the latter especially heartless
and despotic. The Government of India has distinctly
admitted that the compensation is illegal. It knew also
that it would be a heartless act towards the poverty-
stricken people of India. But, of course, when European
interests are concerned, legality and heart go to the winds ^
despotism and force are the only law and argument.
Here is another curious incident connected both witb
examinations and Europeans.

As I have already placed before the Commission my
papers on the entire exclusion of Indians from military
and naval examinations, either here or in India, I will not
say anything more. The curious incident is this : —

The War Office would not admit Indians to examina-
tions even in this country, and on no account simultane-
ously in India. But they allowed Europeans to be ex-
amined directly in India. St. George College, Massoori,
examined its boys. A boy named Roderick O’Connor
qualified for Sandhurst from the college in 1893. Two
boys named Herbert Ptoddy and Edwin Roddy had also-
passed from that college.

On 2nd June, 1893, the House of Commons passed
the resolution to have simultaneous examinations in Eng-

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

455

land and India for all the services for which the examina-
tions are at present held in England alone.*

Had such a Resolution been passed for any other
department of State it would have never dared to offer
resistance to it. But with unfortunate India the case is
quite different.

The Resolution of 2nd June, 1893, having been car-
ried, the Under-Secretary of State for India (Mr. Russell)
said ( Hansard , vol. 17, p. 1035) : “ It may be in the recol-
lection of the House that in my official capacity it was my
duty earlier in the Session to oppose a Resolution in favour
of simultaneous examinations. But the House of Com-
mons thought differently from the Goverment. That once
done I need hardly say that there is no disposition on the
part of the Secretary of State for India or myself to thwart
or defeat the effect of the vote of the House of Commons on
that Resolution.

“ We have consulted the Government of India, and have
asked them as “ to the way ” in which the resolution of the House
“ can best be carried out.” It is a matter too important to be
carried out without the advice of the Indian Government, and at
present impossible to state explicitly what will be done.”

Now, the Commission will observe that the Govern-
ment of India was to be consulted as to the way in whi c kL
the Resolution was to be best carried out f and not as to
whether it was to be carried, out or not nor to thwart or defeat
it. What did the Prime Minister (Mr. Gladstone) say : —

14 The question is a very important one, and has received the
careful consideration of Government. They have determined
that the Resolution of the House should be referred to the Gov-

* “ All open competitive examinations heretofore held in Eng-
land alone for appointments to the Civil Services of India shall
henceforth be held simultaneous both in India and England, such
examinations in both countries being identical in their nature, and
all who compete being finally classified in one list according to
merit.”

456

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

ernment of India without delay, and that there should be a prompt
and careful examination of the subject by that Government, who
“ are instructed ” to say in “ what mode ” in their opinion, and
under what conditions and limitations the Resolution ‘could be
carried into effect.’ ”

It must be observed again that the Government of
India were to be instructed to say by what mode the Reso-
lution could be carried into effect.

After such declarations by two important officials
what did the Secretary of State do ?

Did he loyally confine himself to these declarations ?
We know that Lord Kimberley (who was then the Secre-
tary of State) was dead against simultaneous examinations.
He knew full well that the Government of India was well
known to the world to be as dead against any such interest
of the Indians. Sir James Peile in his minute even said
as much. And yet in a very clever way the Indian Office
adds a sentence to its despatch, virtually telling the Gov-
ernment of India to resist altogether.

The last sentence added to the despatch was : —

“ 3. I will only point out th?„t it is indispensable that an ade-
quate number of the members of the Civil Service shall always be
Europeans and that no scheme would be admissible which does
not fulfil that essential condition.”

And further, that there should remain no doubt of

the real intention of this sentence, six members of the
Council wrote vehement minutes emphatically indicating
that the Government of India should resist — not obey the
instruction as to what mode should be adopted to carry
out the Resolution. And thus, knowing full well what
the Government of India’s views were, knowing also that
the Resolution was passed notwithstanding the opposition of
the Government ; knowing also that Mr. Russell had dis-
tinctly told the House of the acceptance by the Govern-
ment of what the House decided, and promising on behalf

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

457

of the Secretary of State, as well as himself, not to thwart
or defeat the Resolution , Lord Kimberley sent the Indian
lamb back to the Government wolf, as if the Resolution of
the House was not of the slightest consequence, and the
Governments here and in India were supreme and above
the House of Commons. They had always done this for
two- thirds of a century to every Act or Resolution of Par-
liament, or the Sovereign’s Proclamations.

With such open suggestion and encouragement from
the Secretary of State and his councillors, and with their
own firm determination not to allow the advancement of the
Natives by simultaneous examination — even having only
lately snatched away from the hands of the Indians the
little instalment of justice that was made by Sir Stafford
Northcote and the Duke of Argyll, and was approved by
Lord Salisbury — what could be expected in reply to such
a despatch. Of course, the Government of India resisted
with a will, tooth and nail, as they had always done.

At first, the Government of Madras was one for justice.
And then, in the vicious circle in which all Indian interests
are usually cleverly entangled, the Government here made
that very resistance of the Indian Government a subterfuge
and excuse for itself — that as the Government of India
refuses they could nut carry out the resolution ! And the
House of Commons had, as usual on Indian matters, one
more disregard and insult.

And thus was one more disappointment — the bitterest
of all the 64 years of disappointments the people of India
have suffered. And yet there are men who raise up their
hands in wonder that there should be any dissatisfaction
among the Indians, when they themselves are the very
creators of this discontent and great suffering.

458

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

I have referred to Lord Kimberley’s actions, which
showed how he was actuated from the very beginning.
Now even before the despatch was sent to India, Lord
Kimberley himself showed his full hand and let the
Government of India know, by anticipation, his entire
resistance to the Resolution within nine days of the pass-
ing of the Resolution on 2nd June, 1893, and ten days
before the despatch was sent to India. He said (dinner to
Lord Roberts by the Lord Mayor — Times, 1 3th J une,
1893): —

“ There is one point upon which I imagine, whatever may be=
our party polities in this country, we are all united; that we are
resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy over our Indian
Empire. That I conceive is a matter about which we have only
one opinion, and let ms tell you that that supremacy rests upon
three distinct bases. One of those bases, and a very important
one, is the loyalty and good-will of the Native Princes and popul-
ation over whom we rule. Next, and not less important, is the
maintenance of our “ European ” Civil Service, upon which rests
the foundation of our administration in India. . . . Last, not

because it is the least, but because I wish to give it the greatest
prominence, we rest also upon the magnificent European foree^
which we maintain in that country, and the splendid army of
Native auxiliaries by which that force is supported. . . . Let

us firmly and calmly maintain our position in that country ; let us
be thoroughly armed as to our frontier defences, and then I
believe we may trust to the old vigour of the people of this
country, come what may, to support our supremacy in that great
Empire.”

Now, if it was as he said, there was only one opinion
and such resolute determination, why on earth was all the
fuss aud expense of a Public Service Commission made? J
If European service was a resolute determination, was it
not strange to have the subject of simultaneous examina-
tions taken up at all by the Commission on grounds of
reason, when it was a resolute, despotic, foregone con-
clusion ? And why was the statutory service disturbed
Avhen it had been settled by Northeote, Argyll, and Salis-
bury and Parliament as a solution of compromise?

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 459

Now, we must see a little further what Lord Kimber-
ley’s speech means. It says, “ One of those bases, and a
very important one, is the loyalty and good-will of the
Native Princes and population over whom we rule.” Now,
the authorities both in England and India do everything
possible to destroy that very loyalty and good-will, or, as
it is often called, contentment, which these authorities
profess to depend upon. I cannot say anything here about
the Native Princes. But what about the good-will of the
Native population ! Is it productive of loyalty and good-
will (will a Briton be similarly content) to tell the Indians,
“ you will be kept down with the iron heel upon your
neck of European services — military ami civil — in order
to maintain our power over you, to defend ourselves
against Russian invasion, and thereby maintain our
position in Europe, to increase our territory in the East,
and to violate all our most solemn pledges. And all this
at your cost, and mostly with your blood, just as tho
Empire itself has been built up. We have the power and
for our benefit; and you put your Parliament and your
Proclamations into your pocket.” Queer way of producing
contentment and loyalty !

This is a strange superiority over the despotic old
Indian system ! It is seldom a matter of the slightest
thought to our authorities as to who should pay for these
European services and for the outside wars, and what the
consequences are of the “ bleeding.”

In connexion with India generally, the Englishman
(with some noble exceptions) deteriorates from a lover of
liberty to a lover of despotism, without the slightest regard
as to how the Indians are affected and bled. He suddenly
becomes a superior, infallible being, and demands that

460

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

what he does is right, and should never be questioned.
(Mr. Gladstone truly called the “ argument and law of
force ” as the law and argument of the present Anglo-
Indian rule.) “ Our boys ” is his interest. The “ boys ”
of others may go to the dogs, perish or be degraded for
what he cares.

This is what the Anglo-Indian spirit of power, selfish-
ness, and despotism (strange products of the highest
civilisation) speaks through the mouth of the heads. How
this spirit, if continued, will recoil on this country itself,
there cannot be for Englishman themselves much difficulty
to understand.

My remarks about Lord Kimberley are made with
much pain. He is one of the best Englishmen I have ever
met with. But our misfortune is this. Secretaries of
State (with few exceptions) being not much conversant
with or students of the true Indian affairs, place them-
selves in the hands of Anglo-Indians. If, fortunately, one
turns out capable of understanding the just claim of the
Indians and does something, some successor under the
everlasting influence of permanent officials subverts the
justice done, and the Indian interests perish with all their
dire consequences. A Sir Stafford Northcote gives, a
Lord Cross snatches away.

It will be seen that the very claim now put forward
by the Indian authorities of having done a great favour by
the “ Provincial Service ” is misleading and not justified.
On the contrary, we are deprived of what we already
possessed by an Act of Parliament (1870) of admission into
the full Covenanted Civil Service to the extent of about
180 or 200 appointments, while what is given to us with
much trumpeting is a miserable “ close pariah service ” of

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 461

about 95 Covenanted specific appointments, and that even
not confined to Indians, but open to Europeans also, and
so devised that no regular admission (as far as I know) on
some organised system and tests is adopted, and I under-
stand it to be said that some twenty or thirty years will
elapse before the scheme will come into some regular
operation. Can there be a greater blow and injustice to
the Indians and a greater discredit to the authorities ?
But what is worst of all is that insidious efforts are made
to undermine and destroy all our charters of equal British
citizenship with the people of this country.

Lord Kimberley’s speech in support of the present
system is the best justification of what Macaulay had said
that “ the heaviest of all yokes is the yoke of the
stranger.” If this speech meant anything, it meant that
the British yoke over India should be as heavy a foreign
yoke as could be made. For, he does not say a word that
if England employs the European Agency for its own sake
he should think it just that England should pay for it, or*
at least, the greater portion or half of it. Any such act of
justice does not seem to occur to the Anglo-Indian
“ Masters.” India alone must bleed for whatever the
Master wills. And Britain cares not as it has nothing to
pay. Worse still, the masters do not seem to care what
deterioration of character and capacity is caused to the
Indians.

As to the fitness and integrity of the Indians in any
kind of situation — military or civil — there is now no room
for controversy, even though they have not had a fair trial
they have shown integrity, pluck, industry, courage and
culture, to a degree of which the British people may well
be proud, as being the authors of it. I have already

462

DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS.

touched upon the point of fitness in one of the statements.

About loyalty. In the despatch of 8th June, 1880,
the Government of India itself said, “ To the minds of at
least the educated among the people of India — and the
number is rapidly increasing — any idea of the subversion
of British power is abhorrent from the consciousness that
it must result in the wildest anarchy and confusion.’’

The fact is that because India asks and hopes for
British rule on British principles, and not un-British rule
on un-British principles of pure despotism aggravated by
the worst evils of a foreign domination, that the educated
are devotedly loyal, and regard their efforts for this pur"
pose as their highest and best patriotism. Nothing can be
more natural and sensible.

SUMMARY.

In 1833, a noble clause was passed by Parliament —
everything that the Indians could desire. Had the Execu-
tives loyally and faithfully carried out that clause, India
would have been in the course of more than sixty years a
prosperous and contented and deeply loyal country, and a
strength and a benefit to the British Empire to an extent
hardly to be conceived or realised at present, when, by an
opposite course, India is afflicted with all the horrors and
misery to which humanity can possibly be exposed. After
1833, twenty years passed but nothing done. Fresh efforts
were made in Parliament to put the Indians on the same
footing as British subjects, by simultaneous examinations
in this country and India. Stanley, Bright, Rich and
others protested to no purpose ; the violation of the Act
of 1833 continued.

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 463

Then came the great and glorious Proclamation of the
Queen in 1858, and a new bright hope to the Indians ; but
not fulfilled up to the present day. In 1860, a Committee
of five members of the Council of the Secretary of State
pointed out the dishonour of the British name, and report-
ed that simultaneous examinations were the best method
to do justice to the Act of 1833 — to no purpose; the Re-
port was suppressed and the public knew nothing about it.
In 1867, the East India Association petitioned for the
admission into the Covenanted Civil Service of a small pro-
portion of Indians. Sir Stafford Northcote admitted the
justice of the prayer, and proposed a clause to give a partial
fulfilment of the Act of 1833. The Duke of Argyll passed
it. Lord Salisbury approved of it, but pointed out how
the jealousy of the Anglo-Indians would wreck it — a
prophecy which was not long to be fulfilled.

The Government of India resisted tooth and nail, and
made some outrageous proposals in the despatch of 2nd
May, 1878. It was then that Lord Lytton, in a minute,
admitted the ignoble policy of subterfuges and dishonour
upon which the Executives had all along acted since
1833.

A. strong and justly inclined Secretary (Lord Cran-
brook) persisted, brushed aside all resistance and plausi-
bilities, and compelled the Government of India to give
effect to the clause. The Government of India, with bad
grace and very reluctantly, made the rules — cleverly drawn
up to throw discredit upon the service- -the worst part was
rejected by Lord Cranbrook ; but an insidious device re-
mained, and the appointments were begun to be made.
The Anglo-Indians boiled with rage, and the explosion on
the Ilbert Bill was the open declaration of war. Lord

464

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

Salisbury on that occasion confessed that the conduct of
the Executive all along was merely '* political hypocrisy.”

The agitation subsided, but the appointments having
remained to be continued the boiling under the crater con-
tinued, and, instead of exploding, the Government resorted
to other devices and gained their settled object with a
vengeance — the report of the Public Service Commission
confirmed the foregone conclusions against the Statutory
Service and simultaneous examinations.

The statutory service of full eligibility and of about
200 employments in the course of thirty years in the whole
Covenanted Service was abolished, and the wretched
scheme of May 2nd, 1878, established instead.

The whole position has been thrown back worse than
it ever was before.

A Conservative (Sir Stafford Northcote) proposed,
and a Liberal (Duke of Argyll) passed the Act of 1870 to
do some justice. A Conservative (Lord Cranbrook) insist-
ed upon carrying it out. A Liberal (Lord Kimberley)
began to undermine it, and another Conservative (Lord
Cross) gave it the deathblow — though, to the humiliation
of the House of Commons, the Act remains on the Statute-
Book. What faith can the Indians have on any Act of
Parliament ? To-day something given, to-morrow snatched
away ; Acts and Resolutions of Parliament and Proclama-
tions notwithstanding.

Once more Parliament did justice and passsed the
Resolution, in 1893, for simultaneous examinations, to
share the same grievous fate as all its former enactments.
And the Indian Executive thus stands proclaimed the
supreme power over the heads of all — Parliament, People,
and Sovereign.

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVTL SERVICE. 465

The whole force and object of the two references to
our Commission is to reply to Sir Henry Fowler’s most
important challenge, and that reply mainly depends upon
the consideration of the way in which the clauses in the
Acts of 1833 and 1870 and the Proclamations are dealt with.

Sir Henry Fowler’s challenge is this : “ The question I
wish to consider is, whether that Government, with all its
machinery as now existing in India, has, or has not, pro-
moted the general prosperity of the people of India, and
whether India is better or worse off by being a province of
the British Crown ; that is the test.”

I may here give a few extracts as bearing upon the
subject and its results. I am obliged to repeat a few that
I have already cited in my previous statements.

Sir William Hunter has said : —

“You cannot work with imported labour as cheaply as 'you
can with Native labour, and I regard the more extended employ-
ment of the Natives not only as an act of justice but “ as a finan-
cial necessity” I believe that it will be impossible to deny

them a larger share in the administration The appoint-

ments of a few Natives annually to the Covenanted Civil Service

will not solve the problem If we are to govern the Indian

people efficiently and cheaply we must govern them “ by means of
themselves ” and pay for the administration at the market rates
of Native labour Good work thus commenced has assum-

ed such dimensions under the Queen’s Government of India
that it can no longer be carried on, “ or even supervised, by
imported labour ” from England, except at a cost which India
cannot sustain.”

“ I do not believe that a people numbering one-sixth of the
whole inhabitants of the globe, and whose aspirations have been
nourished from their earliest youth on the strong food of English
liberty, can be permanently denied a voice in the government of
the country.”

Lord Salisbury has said : “ But it would be a great evil if
the result of our dominion was that the Natives of India who
were capable of government should be absolutely and hopelessly
excluded from such a career.”

Now that it is emphatically declared that all profes-
sions of equality of British citizenship were only so much
30

466

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

hypocrisy — that India must be bled of its wealth, work,
and wisdom, that it must exist only for the maintenance
of British rule by its blood, its money, and its slavery —
England and India are face to face, and England ought to
declare what, in the name of civilisation, justice, honour,
and all that is righteous England means to do for the
future. The principles of the statesmen of 1833 were:
“ Be just and fear not ; ” the principles of the present
statesmen appear to be : “ Fear and be unjust.” Let
India know which of the two is to be her future fate.
However mighty a Power may be, justice and righteous-
ness are mightier far than all the mightiness of brute
force. Macaulay has said : “ Of all forms of tyranny I
believe that the worst is that of a nation over a nation.”
And he has also said : “ The end of government is the
happiness of the people.” Has the end of Indian govern-
ment been such, or all a “ terrible misery,” as Lord
Salisbury has truly characterised it ? Let the question be
honestly answered.

The statesmen of 1833 accepted that “ the righteous
are as bold as a lion.” But the authorities seem to have
always forgotten it or ignored it ; and political cowardice
has been more before their eyes.

Lord Salisbury has said many more truths, but I
have mentioned them before.

Mr. Gladstone has said : —

“ It is the predominance of that moral force for which I
heartily pray in the deliberations of this House, and the conduct
of our whole public policy, for I am convinced that upon that
predominance depends that which should be the first object of
all our desires as it is of all our “ daily official prayers,” namely,
that union of heart and sentiment which constitutes the two
bases of strength at home, and therefore both of strength and
good fame throughout the civilised world.”

Again :

“ There can be no more melancholy, and in the last result,
no more degrading spectacle upon earth than the spectacle of

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE.

467

oppression, or of wrong in whatever form, inflicted by the

deliberate Act of a nation upon another nation

“ But on the other hand there can be nobler spectacle than
that which we think is now dawning upon us, the spectacle of a
nation deliberately set on the removal of injustice, deliberately
determined to break — not through terror, and not in haste, but
under the sole influence of duty and honour — determined to break
with whatever remains still existing of an evil tradition,
and determined in that way at once to pay a debt of justice,
and to consult by a bold, wise and good Act, its own interest
and its own honour.”

These extracts refer to Ireland. They apply with ten
times the force to India.

With regard to India, he has fully admitted that there
the law and argument of England was “ the law and argu-
ment of force.” Lord Randolph Churchill realised the true
position of the evil of foreign domination of England in
India under the present system. He said : —

“ The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources
of the public revenues is very peculiar, not merely from the
habits of the people, and their strong aversion to change, which is
more specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, “ but likewise
from the character of the government, which is in the hands of
foreigners, who hold all the principal administrative offices and
form so large a part of the Army.” The impatience of the new
taxation which will have to be borne wholly as a consequence of
“ the foreign rule imposed on the country,” and virtually to meet
additions to charges arising outside of the country, would
“ constitute a political danger, ” the real magnitude of
which, it is to be feared, is not at all appreciated by persons who
have no knowledge of or concern in the Government of India, but
what those responsible for that Government have long regarded
“ as of the most serious order.”

“ The East India Company, in their petition against

change of government, said : —

“ That your petitioners cannot contemplate without dismay
the doctrine now widely promulgated that India should be ad-
ministered with an especial view to the benefit of the English who
reside there ; or that in its administration “ any advantage should
be sought for her Majesty’s subjects of European birth,” except
that which they will necessarily derive from their superiority of
intelligence, and from the increased prosperity of the people, the
improvement of the productive resources of the country and the
extension of commercial intercourse.”

468

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

The course, however, during the administration by
the Crown, has been to regard the interests of Europeans
as the most important and paramount, and generally every
action is based upon that principle, with little concern or
thought what that meant to the people of India at large.

Everything for the benefit of Indian interests is the
romance, and everything for the benefit of the British and
“ cruel and crushing tribute ” from Indians is the reality.

The edifice of the British rule rests at present upon
the sandy foundation of Asiatic despotism, injustice, and
all the evils of a foreign domination, as some of the best
English statesmen have frequently declared ; and the
more this edifice is made heavier by additions to these
evils, as is continuously being done, by violation of pledges
and exclusion of Indians from serving in their own coun-
try, with all its natural evil consequences the greater, the
more devastating and complete, I am grieved to foresee,
will be the ultimate crash.

The question of remedy I have already dealt with in
one of my representations to the Commission.

In a letter in the Times of September 28 last, Bishop
Tugwell quotes an extract from the Times with regard to
the African races. How much more forcibly does it apply
to India, to whom the people of England mostly owe the
formation and maintenance of the British Indian Empire,
and who for their reward receive “ terrible misery ” and

“ bleeding.”

The Times says : —

“ The time has long passed away when we were content to
justify our rule by the strong hand alone. We should no longer
hold our great tropical possessions with an easy conscience did we
not feel convinced that our tenure of them is for the advantage,
not of ourselves only, but of the subject peoples.”

Can a fair-minded, honest Englishman say that he has
this easy conscience with regard to India, after the wars,

INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 469

famine and pestilence which have been devastating that ill-
fated country, after a British rule of a century and a half ?

Macaulay has said, in 1833 : —

“ 6 Propter vitam vivendi perdere causas ’ is a despicable
policy either in individuals or States. In the present ease such a
policy would not only be despicable but absurd.”

After describing from Bernier the practice of miser-
able tyrants of poisoning a dreaded subject, he says : —

41 That detestable artifice, more horrible than assassination
itself, was worthy of those who employed it. Jt is no model for
the English nation. We shall never consent to administer the
pousta to a whole community — to stupefy and paralyse a great
people — whom God has committed to our charge, for the wretch-
ed purpose of rendering them more amenable to our control.”

Lord Hartington said in 1883 : —

“It is not wise to educate the people of India, to introduce
among them your civilisation and your progress and your liter-
ature, and at the same time to tell them they shall never have any
chance of taking any part or share in the administration of the
affairs of their country, except by their getting rid in the first
instance of their European rulers. Surely, it would not be wise to
tell a patriotic Native of India that.”

This naturally suggests the question of the future of
India with regard to Russia, This is rather a wide sub-
ject, and somewhat indirectly connected with this state-
ment. But I may say here that there are, in my think-
ing, certain features in the Indian rule of great plausi-
bility, which the Russians, by their emissaries, will urge
upon the mind of the masses of the Indians, when they
are in any spirit of discontent, with great effect against
the English. Nor need I enter on the speculation
whether Russia would be able to make a lodging in India,
These are matters which every Englishman is bound to
consider calmly. The English people and Parliament
should not wait to consider them till it is too late. My
whole fear is, that if the British people allow things to
drift on in the present evil system, the disaster may come
to both countries when it is too late to prevent or repair it.

470

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

My whole earnest anxiety is that righteous means
may be adopted by which the connexion between the two
countries may be strengthened with great blessings and
benefits to both countries. I speak freely, because I feel
strongly that it is a thousand pities that a connexion that
can be made great and good to both countries is blindly
being undermined and destroyed with detriment to both.
My previous statements have clearly shown that. The
whole question of the blessing or curse of the connexion of
England and India upon both countries rests mainly upon
the honourable and loyal fulfilment of the Act of 1833 and
the Proclamation of 1858, or upon the dishonour of the
non-fulfilment of them : “ Righteousness alone will exalt a
nation “ Injustice will bring down the mightiest to
ruin.”

I conclude with my earnest hope and prayer that our
Commission will pronounce clearly upon all the vital ques-
tions involved in their two references on which 1 have
submitted my views.

One last word of agony. With the dire calamities
with which we have been overwhelmed, and in the midst
of the greatest jubilation in the world, in which we took
our hearty share, in spite of those calamities, we have not,
as far as I know, got the word of our greatest hope and
consolation — a repetition of the most gracious Proclama-
tion of 1858, of equality of British citizenship, which we
received on the assumption of the Imperial title and on
the Jubilee ; nor of anything of its application.

Yours truly,

Dadabhai Naoroji.

VII.

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.*

A

In proposing for your adoption this memorial, f I am
glad that I have a very easy task before me, unless I
create some giants of my own imagination to knock them
down, for on the principle of the memorial I see on all
hands there is but one opinion. Beginning with our gra-
cious Sovereign, she has emphatically declared with regard
to the natives of India (in a proclamation dated the 1st of
November, 1858), “We hold ourselves bound to the
natives of our Indian territories by the same obliga-
tions of duty which bind us to all our other subjects, and
those obligations, by the blessing of Almighty God, we
shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil,” Then referring
to this particular point, the proclamation goes on, “ It is
our further will, that so far as may^ be, our subjects, of
whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially admitted
to offices in our service, the duties of which may be quali-
fied by their education, ability, and integrity duly to dis-
charge.” That being the gracious declaration of the will
and pleasure of our Sovereign, let us pass next to the
opinion of Parliament upon the subject. The opinion of
Parliament has been all long decisive upon this matter.

* (Paper read before an evening Meeting of the East India
Association, at London, Tuesday, August 13th 1867. Lord Lyveden
in the Chair.)

t “ We, the members of the East India Association, beg respect-
fully to submit that the time has come when it is desirable to
admit the natives of India to a larger share in the administration
of India than hitherto.

472

DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS.

As far back as 1833, in the Act of that year, it was dis-
tinctly declared, “ That no native of the said territories,
nor any natural-born subject of his Majesty, resident
therein, shall, by reason only of his religion, place of birth,
descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from hold-
ing any place, office, or employment under the said
Company and on every occasion when Parliament has
had the matter before it, there has scarcely been any

“To you, sir, it is quite unnecessary to point out the justice,
necessity, and importance of this step, as in the debate in Parlia-
ment, on May 24 last, you have pointed out this so emphatically
and clearly, that it is enough for us to quote your own noble and
statesmanlike sentiments. You said — i Nothing could be more
wonderful than our empire in India ; but we ought to consider on
what conditions we held it, and how our prdeeessors held it. The
greatness of the Mogul empire depended upon the liberal policy
that was pursued by men like Akbar, availing themselves of Hindu
talent and assistance, and identifying themselves as far as possible
with the people of the country. He thought that they ought to
take a lesson from such a circumstance, and if they were to do
their duty towards India they could only discharge that duty by
obtaining the assistance and counsel of all who were great and
good in that country. It would be absurd in them to say that
there was not a large fund of statesmanship and ability in the
Indian character.’ — ( Times , 25th May, 1867.) With these friendly
and just sentiments towards the people of India we fully concur,
and therefore, instead of trespassing any more upon your time, we
beg to lay before you our views as to the best mode of accom-
plishing the object.

“ We think that the competitive examinations for a portion of
the appointments to the Indian civil service should be held in
India, under such rules and arrangements as you may think
proper. What portion of the appointments should be thus com-
peted for in India we cannot do better than leave to your own
judgment. After the selection is made in India, by the first
examination, we think it essential that the selected candidates be
required to come to England to pass their further examinations
with the selected candidates of this country.

“ In the same spirit, and with kindred objects in view for the
general good of India, we woydd ask you to extend your kind en-
couragement to native youths of promise and ability to come to
England for the completion of their education. We believe that
if scholarships, tenable for five years in this country, were to be
annually awarded by competitive examination in India to native

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERYICE.

473

opposition to the principle enunciated by this memorial.
Again, up to the latest day, during the past three or four
debates in Parliament which have taken place this year, we
have seer the same principle emphatically declared ; even
in last night’s debate we find the same again brought
forward in a prominent way by some who are friends to
India, and who also wish well to England. While we
have this testimony on the part of our Sovereign and
Parliament, we find that the press upon this matter at least
is unanimous. So far back as 1853, in commenting upon
the petition presented by the Bombay Association, I find a
large proportion of the press here admitted the justice and
truth of the complaints made by the natives of India, as to
the exclusiveness adopted in the civil service at the time,
and urging that the natives should be to a suitable extent
introduced into the enjoyment of the higher places of
responsibility and trust. And recently, in commenting
upon the debates that have taken place in Parliament,
which I have just referred to, the press has been equally
unanimous in reference to this subject. As far as Parlia-

can didates between the ages of 15 and 17, some would compete
successfully in England for the Indian civil service, while others
would return in various professions to India, and where by degrees
they would form an enlightened and unprejudiced class, exercising
a great and beneficial influence on native society, and constituting
a link between the masses of the people and their English rulers.

“ In laying before you this memorial we feel assured, and we
trust that you will also agree with us, that this measure, which has
now become necessary by the advancement of education in India,
will promote and strengthen the loyalty of the natives of India to
the British rule, while it will also be a satisfaction to the British
people to have thus by one more instance practically proved its
desire to advance the condition of their Indian fellow-subjects,
and to act justly by them.

“We need not point out to you, sir, how great an encourage-
ment these examinations in India will be to education. The great
prizes of the appointments will naturally increase vastly the desire
for education among the people.”

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ment and the press are any indication of the opinions of the
people, we can say the people are at one on this subject.
As far as my personal knowledge is concerned, during the
twelve years I have been here, or while I was in India, I
must confess that I have always found every Englishman
that I have spoken to on the subject, admitting its justice,
and assuring me that England will always do its duty
towards India. I have been sometimes told that some
civilians, perhaps, do not like it but I should not do the
injustice to say that I recollect any instance in which such
an opinion has been expressed to me. The testimony of
all eminent men in the Indian service is in favour of giving
all necessary facilities for the admission of natives of
India to the civil service, as well as that of all those emi-
nent statesmen here who have made India their study.
The interest that the natives feel in this subject I need not
at all enlarge upon ; that can be at once conceived by their
presence here ; the interest they would feel in the Govern-
ment of India by having the responsibilities of that ad-
ministration on their own heads, speaks for itself ; and at
the same time the strength it would give to the British
rule is also a matter of the gratest importance. Lastly, I
find that the present Government itself has emphatically
declared on this point. In the words I have quoted in the
memorial, Sir Stafford Northcote has distinctly stated,
“ Nothing could be more wonderful than our empire in
India ; but we ought to consider on what conditions we
held it, and how our predecessors held it. The greatness
of the Mogul empire depended upon the liberal policy that
was pursued by men like Akbar availing themselves of
Hindu talent and assistance, and identifying themselves
as far as possible with the people of the country. He
thought that they ought to take a lesson from such a

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.

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circumstance, and if they were to do their duty towards
India, they could only discharge that duty by obtaining
the assistance and counsel of all who were great and good
in that country. It would be absurd in them to say that
there was not a large fund of statesmanship and ability in
the Indian character.” With such complete testimony on
the principle of this memorial, I think I was quite justifi-
ed in saying at the beginning that my task was a very easy
one. This last extract, again, enables me to dispose of
another point, namely, as to the capacity of the natives of
India for administration and for high education. I may
at once leave that alone, because at this time of day, after
the education which has been received by the natives of
India, after the results as shown by the university exami-
nations, and with the actual facts of the efficiency of the
services rendered by the natives of India, whenever they
are employed in any office of responsibility and trust, it
would be simply ridiculous on my part to try to prove to
you their capacity for administration and for study, and
their high character. The importance and justice of intro-
ducing natives of India into the administration to a proper
extent, has been urged by various eminent men at differ-
ent times before committees of the Houses of Parliament.
If I had considered it necessary, I could have collected a
volume of such extracts. I need only glance at this point,
namely, the assistance which the Government of India
would derive from the native element being introduced
into it. With the best intentions, Englishmen cannot
understand the natives of India as a body ; their feelings,
their ways of thought, and their original education, are so
different, that with the best intentions on the part of
Englishmen, they very often fail in pointing out the exact
remedies for any complaints made by the natives ; but if

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the natives of India were introduced to a proper extent
into the administration of the country, naturally their
own countrymen would have more sympathy with them.
Those native administrators would know where the exact
difficulties were, and many of the problems of the present
day, to grapple with which all the energies of our English
administrators are taxed in vain, would be solved most
easily. We would then have the sympathy of the natives
with the British rulers, and one of the results of such
a concession to the natives would be gratitude on their
part, which would form a strong foundation for the uphold-
ing of the British rule in India. And when I advocate
that which would have a tendency to uphold the
British rule in India, it is not for the sake of the English,
but for the sake of the natives themselves. They have
every reason to congratulate themselves on being under
the British rule, after the knowledge they have now
derived, and are every day deriving, of the benefits of
it. I come, then, to the practical part of the memorial
itself. At present the arrangement is that the civil service
examination is open to all British subjects ; and under
that arrangement, no doubt, the natives of India can
come here, and they have come here, and undergone the
competitive examination (one has passed, and is now serv-
ing in India). But if we refer back to the gracious
words of our Sovereign, that the natives of India be admit-
ted “ freely and impartially,” the question naturally
arises whether under the present arrangement that
declaration and that assurance is practically given effect
to. The difficulty on the face of it is this, that the
natives are put to the disadvantage of coming over here
and remaining here for several years. The risk of losing
a sum of money which perhaps they cannot afford, is in

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47 r

itself a disadvantage sufficient to require some change in
the arrangement. But, supposing even some few were
willing to come here and to compete in the examination,
it is not desirable that only those few should be admitted
into the civil service require that those serving in it,
whether native or English, should be of the highest talents.
We do not want those having the longest purses only, but
what we want is — in the words of Sir Stafford Northcote
— the assistance and counsel of all who are great and
good in the country ; and we cannot attain that object
unless we have a competitive examination which would
enable all the best men of India to compete for appoint-
ments in the Indian civil service. Such are the men who
ought to be introdued into that service. Therefore, putting
aside all the disadvantages that the native is put to in
coming over to this country, and which are in themselves
sufficient to require that some alteration should be made
in the present arrangement, the very best interests of the
service require that some competition should take place in
India whether at an earlier stage or at a later stage ; and
that a selection should be made, not only of those who
can afford to spend a few thousands to come here, but of
those who possess the best talent among the people. I
have nothing more to say than to refer to the plan I have
suggested in the memorial, and I have left it as general
as possible, because, with the evidence before us of the
interest which Sir Stafford Northeote has taken in the
Subject, and the emphatic manner in which he has express-
ed his views as to the necessity and justice of introducing
the native element into the service, I can, with the utmost
confidence, leave any of the details that would be best
suited for the purpose to himself. The natives of India
are willing to submit to any standard ; if they could not

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come up to the standard required by the service, it would
be their own fault, and nobody would have any right to
complain ; but as long as they can assert that they would
be able to stand any standard of examination which they
may be reasonably subjected to, it is only just and proper
that they should have the opportunity given them. Take,
for instance, the case of the fair trial given to the natives
for acquiring high education. There were no B.A.s or
M.A.s before. The universities being established, we
know the result, that the natives have fully vindicated
their intellect. And they only ask a fair trial for the
civil service. I am desirous, that instead of taking up
more of your time, the members present should discuss
this fully, and I therefore conclude as I began with the
words of our Sovereign, “ In their prosperity will be
our strength, in their contentment our security, and in
their gratitude our best reward ; ’* and my only prayer is,
that a reward nobler than that which has ever been attain-
ed by any nation, or any individual, may be earned by
our British rulers.

In the proposal made by me, the examination takes
place in India, just as it takes place here ; the candidates
that pass in India are exactly on the same footing as what
are called selected candidates in England. After passing
the competitive examination, there are what are called
further examinations here, and it is for those further ex-
aminations here that I wish those natives to come here,
which would be no hardship on them ; the utmost sacrifice
which they might be required to make, if the Government
would not assist them, would be the voyage home ; if the
Government would pay that, then there would be no
hardship, because, as soon as they come here they begin
to prepare for their further examination ; they get the first

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.

479

year 100Z., and the second year 200Z., and then, if they
show the necessary proficiency in the subjects they are
required to study, there is no competition and no rejec-
tion afterwards ; they have only to show that they have
spent two years in the necessary studies, having in view
the special duties required of them in India ; so that there
is no risk of their being rejected. The competitive
examination in India would be what it is here, and after
they passed that they would be admitted as selected
candidates. As I am on my legs, allow me to add to
what I have already said, that there is no practical diffi-
culty in what is proposed. The whole thing is embraced
in the rules published by the Secretary of State
for Ind ia every year ; the Secretary of State for
India has only to decide as to what proportion of natives it
would be advisable to introduce into the civil service, and
then to send out instructions to the local government to
institute examinations of the same character and under
the same rules that are followed here, under which examina-
tions the candidates would be selected ; the number may
be five or ten, or I should be satisfied if there were two for
Bengal and one for each of the other presidencies. Those
examinations would take place there under the same rules
and the same arrangements under which they take place
here. The best on the list would become the selected
candidates, and when once they become selected candidates
there would be no risk of failing in the competition. There
are no practical details to propose ; the arrangement of the
whole thing is already practically carried out. The simple
question for the Secretary of State to decide being, what
proportion of the appointments should be competed for in
India, it would be, I think, more proper on the part of this
Association to leave that to Sir Stafford Northcote and the

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Council. They are best able to judge as to that, and I
have every confidence that they would do that which is
right. The manner in which justice has been done in the
case of Mysore makes me perfectly confident that we have a
Government not only willing to make professions, but
willing to do what they profess. As I did not contemplate
that any details should be proposed, except simply that a
certain proportion of appointments to be decided on by the
Secretary of State should be competed for in India, the
managing committee, to whom this proposal was referred,
thought wisely that we might at once go to the whole
Association itself, and we have done so. If the Associa-
tion are inclined .to adopt the proposal of the noble chair-
man, of referring the matter back to a committee, I do not
say anything against it, but there is nothing to be consi-
dered ; the whole thing is ready cut and dried. There are
only two points to be decided by Sir Stafford Northcote r
first, whether a certain number of appointments should be
competed for in India or not, and next, what proportion of
the appointments should be so competed for. With regard
to the various remarks which have been made by Mr.
Hodgson Pratt, I agree with the full force of them. When
he, some years ago, was anxious to promote the plan of
bringing over to England young men to be educated, I
endeavoured to contribute my humble mite to that endeav-
our. All I say upon the remarks he has addressed to you
is this, that he attaches a little too much importance to an
independent body of natives in India who had received
their education in England, and who would spread them-
selves in all the different departments of life, being the
only means by which the tone of society, and the status of
the whole population would be raised ; for, we must
not forget that, attaching to the administration of the

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481

country itself, there are responsibilities that must be
incurred ; and when a native is introduced into the
administration he comes under a responsibility which
an outsider cannot appreciate. If we had only a body
of independent educated natives we should have nothing
but agitation ; there would be no counterpoise to it,
there would be no men trained under the yoke of responsi-
bility, who would tell them that there were such and such
difficulties in the way of the administration. I have con-
sidered this matter very carefully for a long time. I have
taken the utmost possible trouble to induce my friends to
come over here for their education, and most of the twenty-
five who have been referred to are under my care. I have
taken that responsibility, because I feel strongly upon the
point. I have taken that guardianship for the past twelve
years with no little anxiety to myself, but I am glad to
say that those young men have behaved most admirably,
never having given me cause to complain, and the charac-
ter that has been given of them, whether by the gentlemen
with whom they have been residing, or by the professors of
their college, has been that they have been very steady and
very good. But in this way we cannot get the best talent.
Therefore, I hope that it will not be considered by the
Association that I have brought forward this question in-
considerately and immaturely. I do not see the necessity
of troubling a committee to go into it again. Here I have
my proposal in some detail : — “ First Examination for the
Civil Service of India, to be held in India.” (I would be
satisfied even with a few to begin with ; I suggest five.)
“ Five candidates shall be selected every year as follows :
— 2 from Bengal, 1 from Bombay, 1 from Madras, 1 from
the North-West Provinces and the Punjab. The examina-
tion shall be held in each of the above territories, under
31

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the instruction of the local government, in the subjects,
and according to the rules adopted from time to time by
the Civil Service Commissioners for the first competition
examination in England. The highest in rank shall be
deemed to be selected candidates for the civil service of
India. The selected candidates shall, within three months
of the announcement of the result of the examination,
proceed to England, and the local government shall pay
the passage money. After arrival in England these select-
ed candidates shall be subject to the rules and terms for
the subsequent ‘ further examination,’ &c., like the
selected candidates of England.” If it is necessary for
a plan to be attached to the memorial, here is one. I
admit the force of the remark made by Mr. Hodgson
Pratt, that mere education in colleges and universities is
not enough, that there are other qualifications necessary.
But though I do not agree with those who saj 7 that the
education given in India does not raise the moral as well
as the intellectual character of the pupil, still I purposely
make it essential that those natives who are selected for
the service should come oyer to England for those two
years, in order that they may acquire all the benefits in
England which Mr. Hodgson Pratt so ably described.
As to the competitive system, it must be recollected that
it has been established as being the best system that can
be adopted for arriving at the qualities and capabilities of
a man. If the Council think that there ought to be a
standard of proficiency at the oar or at cricket, let them
establish such a standard ; I daresay the natives of India
would be quite prepared to try a hand at bowling or at
the oar with the natives of England ; only, let every one
be put on an equal footing. We no longer select men
for the service in India according to the system of patron-

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.

483

age ; we know how that system worked in former times —
bow proprietors joined together to get their nephews in.
I do not refer to past grievances ; let the past be the past,
we have enough to be thankful for ; we select our best
men in the best way in our power, by a competitive
examination, and though, in a competition of 200 for 50
or 60 situations, there is some chance of an incompetent
man getting in, by cramming or by some accident, still,
where there is a competition of 100 or 1,000 for only one
or two places, the chances are infinitesimally small that
anybody who does not possess tne highest order of
intellect will be able to take those prizes. I beg to submit
to our President, with very great deference, that the
proposal I have made has been carefully considered. I
have consulted several gentlemen who are deeply interested
in the matter, and I hope our noble President will
support me in approving of this memorial, with the
addition which Sir Herbert Edwardes has made, to which
I have no objection ; it gives the memorial a wider scope,
and meets the other difficulty which our noble President
suggested as to the expense. It is desirable, instead of
simply allowing a few young men to enter the Civil Service,
that we should also carry out a comprehensive principle of
giving some opportunity to natives of entering upon other
independent departments. I fully agree that the assistance
proposed by Sir Herbert Edwardes’ amendment should be
held out to the youths of India ; we want the best talent
of the country brought here ; therefore, I propose that Sir
Herbert Edwardes’ addition should be embodied in the
memorial. Our noble President has said that this me-
morial does not properly come within the province of
this Association. With every deference, I beg to differ
from his Lordship. The very basis upon which this insti-

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tution has been formed is, as expressed by the second rule*
the promotion, by all legitimate means, of the interests
and welfare of India generally. If the object and purpose
of the Association is simply to supply information, I do
not see that the Association can do any very great good ;
but if the Association takes up one subject after another,
considerately and carefully, as our noble President suggests,
and does actual practical good to the various interests of
India, the Association then will have fulfilled its mission
of bringing India and England together, doing justice to
India, informing the people of this country of all that is
necessary to be known by them in relation to Indian matters,
and suggesting to them what they, in the situation in which
Providence has placed them, as rulers of India, ought ia
do towards India, If the Association has not been formed
to attain those objects, I do not see what good it can do.
We may read papers here and have a pleasant discussion
on them, and go away with the feeling that we have had
a very successful meeting ; but if we are to end there,
what good shall we have done? What is the object of all
our discussion ? It is to take such practical steps as may
influence the people of this country, and as may influence
the Government to rectify existing evils, the rectifying of
which would have the effect of consolidating the British
rule in India, to the great benefit of both England and
India.

Gentlemen, — Since our deputation waited on the
Secretary of State for India with the Memorial f relative
to the Indian Civil Service, I find several objections
urged from different quarters ; and, as I see that Mr.
Fawcett is going to move a resolution, I beg to submit
for your consideration my views on those objections.
They are, as far as I have met with, principally these : —

1. That the natives are not fit, on account of their
deficient ability, integrity, and physical power and energy.

2. That Europeans would not like to serve under
natives.

3. That native officials are not much respected by
the natives, and that when a native is placed in any
position of eminence, his fellow-countrymen all around
him are ready to backbite and slander him.

4. That natives look too much to Government em-
ployment, and do not show sufficient independence of cha-
racter to strike out for themselves other paths of life.

5. That though natives may prove good subordi-
nates, they are not fit to be placed at the head of any
department.

6. That natives who seek for admission into the
Civil Service should be Anglicised.

7. That natives ought not to be put in positions of
power.

8. That the places obtained by the natives will be
so many lost to the English people.

* Paper read before a Meeting of the East India Association,
London, Friday, April 17th, 1868. E. B. Eastwiek Esq., C.B., f.r.s.,
in the Chair,
f Appendix B.

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9. That natives are already largely emplo